George Washington and the Seven Years War

Part III: Post-Battle Analysis

by James J. Mitchell


Part I: George Washington and Jumonville Glen
Part II: Reaping the Whirlwind: Fort Necessity

What did Washington himself have to say of the battle? Our best source of information on this comes from our own hero's hand in a letter written to Governor Dinwiddie and is here repeated in its entirety:

"As I am favour'd with an opportunity, I shou'd think myself excusable was I to omit giv'g you some acct. of our late Engagem't with the French on the Monongahela the 9th Inst.

"We continued our March from Fort Cumberland to Frazier's (which is within 7 Miles of Duquesne) with't meet'g with any extraordinary event, hav'g only a stragler or two picked up by the French Indians. When we came to this place, we were attack'd (very unexpectedly I must own) by abt. 300 French and Ind'ns; Our numbers consisted of abt. 1300 well arm'd Men, chiefly Regular's, who were immediately struck with such a deadly Panick, that nothing but confusion and disobedience of order's prevail'd amongst them: The Officer's in gen'l behav'd with incomparable bravery, for which they greatly suffer'd, there being near 60 kill'd and wound'd. A large proportion, out of the number we had! The Virginian Companies behav'd like Men and died like Soldiers; for I believe out of 3 Companys that were there that day, scarce 30 were left alive: Captn. Peyrouny and all of his Officer's down to a Corporal, were kill'd; Captn. Poison shar'd almost as hard a Fate, for only one of his Escap'd:

In short the dastardly behaviour of the English Soldier's expos'e all those who were inclin'd to do their duty to almost certain Death; and at length, in despight of every effort to the contrary, broke and run as Sheep before the Hounds, leav'g the Artillery, Ammunition, Provisions, and, every individual thing we had with us a prey to the Enemy; and when we endeavour'd to rally them in hopes of regaining our invaluable loss, it was with as much success as if we had attempted to have stop'd the wild Bears of the Mountains. The Genl. Was wounded behind in the shoulder, and into the Breast, of w'ch he died three days later; his two Aids de Camp were both wounded, but are in a fair way of Recovery; Colo. Burton and Sir Jno. St. Clair are also wounded, and I hope will get over it; Sir Peter Halket, with many other brave Officers were kill'd in the Field. I luckily escap'd with't a wound tho' I had four Bullets through my Coat and two Horses shot under me. It is suppose we left 300 or more dead in the Field; about that number we brought of wounded, and it is imagin'd (I believe with great justice too) that about two thirds of both [blank] received their shot from our own cowardly English Soldier's who gather'd themselves into a body contrary to orders 10 or 12 deep, wou'd then level, Fire and shoot down the Men before them.

"I tremble at the consequences that this defeat may have upon our back settlers, who I suppose will all leave their habitations unless there are proper measures taken for their security.

"Colo. Dunbar, who commands at present, intends so soon as his Men are recruited at this place, to continue his March to Phila. Into Winter Quarters: So that there will be no Men left here unless it is the poor remains of the Virginia Troops, who survive and will be too small to guard our Frontiers. As Captn. Orme is writg. To your honour I doubt not but he will give you a circumstantial acct. of all things, which will make it needless for me to add more." [26]

In another letter written to his mother from Fort Cumberland on the 18th of July, he sheds a bit more light on his own condition at the time of the battle in the following excerpt:

"Captns Orme & Morris two of the Aids de Camps, were wounded early in the Engagemt which renderd the duty harder upon me, as I was the only person then left to distribute the Genls Orders, which I was scarcely able to do, as I was not half recoverd from a violent illness that had confln'd me to my Bed, and a Waggon, for above 10 Days; I am still in a weak and Feeble condn which induces me to halt here 2 or 3 Days in hopes of recovg a little Strength, to enable me to proceed homewards; from whence, I fear I shall not be able to stir till towards Sepr, so that I shall not have the pleasure of seeing you until then..." [27]

In October of 1783, Washington penned the following notes for David Humphreys, who had intended to write a biography of Washington:

"... upon the arrival of Genl. Braddock he [Washington] was very particularly noticed by that General; taken into his family as an extraAid; offered a Captns. Comn. by brevet (which was the highest Grade he had it in his power to bestow and had the compliment of several blank Ensigncies given him to dispose of to the Young Gentlemen of his acqe. to supply the vacancies in the 44 and 48 Regts. which had arrived from Ireland.

"In this capacity he commenced his second Campaign; and used every proper occasion till he was taken Sick and left behind in the vicinity of Fort Cumberland to impress the Genl., and the principal Officers around him, with the necessity of opposing the nature of his defence, to the mode of attack which, more than probably, he would experience from the Canadian French, and their Indians on his March through the Mountains and covered Country but so prepossessed were they in favr. of regularity and discipline and in such absolute contempt were these people held, that the admonition was suggested in vain.

"About the middle of June, this Armament consisting of the two Regiments from Ireland, some Independant Companies and the Provincial troops of Virga. Maryld. and North Carolina, began to move from Fort Cumberland whither they had assembled. After several days March; and difficulties to which they had never been accustomed in regular Service, in Campaign Countries; and of whh. they seemed to have had very little idea, the Genl. resolved to divide his force, and at the head of the first division which was composed of the flower of his Army, to advance; and leave Colo. Dunbar with the second division and the heavy Baggage and Stores, to follow after. [28]

By so doing, the first division approached the Monongahela 10 miles short of Fort Duquesne the 8th'. of July; and which time and place having so far recovered from a severe fever and delerium from which he had been rescued by James's powder, administed by the positive order of the Genl. as to travel in a covered Waggon, he joined him and the next day tho' much reduced and very weak mounted his horse on cushions, and attended as one of his aids.

"About 10 O'clock on the 9th after the Van had crossed the Monongahela the second time, to avoid an ugly defile (the season being very dry and waters low) and the rear yet in the River the front was attacked and by the unusual Hallooing and whooping of the enemy, whom they could not see were so disconcerted and confused as soon to fall into irretrievable disorder. The rear was forced forward to support them, but seeing no enemy, and themselves falling every moment from the fire, a general panic took place among the Troops from which no exertions of the Officers could recover them. In the early part of the Action some of the Irregulars (as they were called) without direcns. advanced to the right, in loose order, to attack; but this, unhappily from the unusual appearance of the movement being mistaken for cowardice and a running away was discountenanced. and before it was too late, and the confusion became general an offer was made by G. W to head the Provincials and engage the enemy in their own way; but the propriety of it was not seen into until it was too late for execution. After this, many attempts were made to dislodge the enemy from an eminence on the Right but they all proved ineffectual; and fatal to the Officers; who by great exertions and good examples endeavourd to accomplish it. In one of these the Genl. recd. the Wd. of which he died; but previous to it, had several horses killed and disabled under him. Captns. Orme and Morris his two Aids de Camp. having received wounds which rendered them unable to attd. G W. remained the sole Aid through the day, to the Genl.; he also had one horse killed, and two wounded under him. A ball through his hat, and several through his clothes, but escaped unhurt. Sir Peter Halket (secd. in Command) being early killed, Lieutt. Colo. Burton and Sir Jno. St. Clair (who had the Rank of Lt. Colo. in the Army) being badly wounded, Lieutt. Colo. Gage (afterwards Genl Gage) having recd. a contusion. No person knowing in the disordered State things were, who the surviving Sent. Officer was, and the Troops by degrees going off in confusion; without a ray of hope left of further opposition from those that remained; G W. placed the Genl. in a small covered Cart, which carried some of his most essential equipage, and in the best order he could, with the best Troops (who only contind. to be fired at) brought him over the first ford of the Monongahela, where they were formed in the best order circumstances would admit on a piece of rising ground; after wch., by the Genls. order, he rode forward to halt those which had been earlier in the retreat.

Accordingly, after crossing the Monongahela the second time and ascending the heights, he found Lieutt. Colo. Gage engaged in this business to whom he delivered the Genls order and then returned to report the situation he found them in. When he was again requested by the Genl. whom he met coming on, in his litter with the first halted troops, to proceed (it then being after sundown) to the second division under the command of Colo. Dunbar, to make arrangements for covering the retreat, and forwarding on provisions and refreshments to the retreating and wounded Soldiery. To accomplish this, for the 2d. division was 40 odd miles in the rear it took up the whole night and part of the next Morning, which from the weak state in which he was, and the fatigues, and anxiety of the last 24 hours, rendered him in a manner wholly unfit for the execution of the duty he was sent upon when he arrived at the Dunbars Camp. To the best of his power however he discharged it, and remained with the secd. division till the other joined it.

The shocking Scenes which presented themselves in this Nights March are not to be described. The dead, the dying, the groans, lamentation, and crys along the Road of the wounded for help (for those under the latter descriptions endeavoured from the first commencement of the action, or rather confusion to escape to the 2d. divn.) were enough to pierce a heart of adamant. the gloom and horror of which was not a little encreased by the impervious darkness occasioned by the close shade of thick woods which in places rendered it impossible for the two guides which attended to know when they were in, or out of the track but by groping on the ground with their hands.

"Happy was it for him, and the remains of the first division that they left such a quantity of valuable and enticing baggage on the field as to occasion a scramble and contention in the seizure and distribution of it among the enemy for had a pursuit taken place, by passing the defile which we had avoided; and they had got into our rear, the whole, except a few woodsmen, would have fallen victims to the merciless Savages. Of about 12 or 13 hundred which were in this action eight or 9 hundd. were either killed or wounded; among whom a large proportion of brave and valuable Officers were included. The folly and consequence of opposing compact bodies to the sparse manner of Indian fighting, in woods, which had in a manner been predicted, was now so clearly verified that from hence forward another mode obtained in all future operations.

"As soon as the two divisions united, the whole retreated towards Fort Cumberland; and at an Incampment near the Great Meadows the brave, but unfortunate Genl. Braddock breathed his last. He was interred with the honors of war, and as it was left to G W. to see this performed, and to mark out the spot for the reception of his remains, to guard against a savage triumph, if the place should be discovered, they were deposited in the Road over which the Army, Waggons &ca. passed to hide every trace by which the entombment could be discovered. thus died a man, whose good and bad qualities were intimately blended. He was brave even to a fault and in regular Service would have done honor to his profession. His attachments were warm, his enmities were strong, and having no disguise about him, both appeared in full force. He was generous and disinterested, but plain and blunt in his manner even to rudeness. After this event, the Troops continued their March for, and soon arrived at Fort Cumberland without molestation; and all except the Pr[ovinci]als immediately resolved to proceed to Philadelphia; by which means the Frontiers of that State but more especially those of Virginia and Maryland were laid entirely open by the very avenue which had been prepared." [29]

We have yet another, possible first-hand account of an alleged participant in the battle that makes frequent mention of Washington during the fighting. The authenticity of this has been put into question by Kopperman, who has reprinted it. Nevertheless, it may bear repeating here, as it does not seem to contradict that which is known about Washington's character or actions. This was published by John L. Peyton in The Adventures of My Grandfather, which was published in London in 1867. It purports to be a letter written by one Francis Peyton who may have served as a volunteer in Braddock's army. Those passages of this rather dramatized piece relating to Washington are herein excerpted:

"... Colonel Burton, notwithstanding his wound and loss of blood and consequent prostration, endeavoured to advance. He was aided by Colonel Washington and Colonel Lewis who had rallied around them a body of Western Virginians. These men protected themselves by the trees while they fired - after the fashion of the Indians - and thus prevented an advance of the enemy. But for all that their efforts were futile, the 48th refused to advance, but stood firing helplessly at the forest trees behind which the enemy were concealed, until they had expended all their ammunition; after which, in spite of the officers, they broke and fled towards the river in the wildest confusion; many of them throwing away their arms and accoutrements. In spite of being forsaken by the panic struck 48th the brave Western Virginians whom Colonel Washington and Lewis had formed behind the trees - after the Indian mode of fighting - retreated, but in order, from tree to tree, loading and firing as they drew back... Meanwhile, Colonel Washington had had the wounded General Braddock carried to the rear, and carefully tended.

"The whole retreat has been indeed conducted by Colonel Washington, whose remarkable talents have gained the confidence of the other and senior officers... [30]

"It is a source of much pride and pleasure to me, to witness how rapidly our friend and neighbor, Colonel George Washington, has grown in the estimation of all, by his wisdom and prudence; and by the great ability he has displayed in extricating the army from an unfortunate and dangerous situation. He is spoken of in terms of praise by all - both colonial and English officers, and particularly by General Braddock, whose last breath was drawn while sounding his praise, and exhorting obedience to his orders. [31]

Though Colonel Washington does not belong to the British army (for, like myself, he was a volunteer in this expedition), has, indeed, never been to England, or received any regular military training, he has the faculty of inspiring confidence in officers and men alike: particularly - if any can be singled out - is he admired by Colonel Burton." [32]

Incredibly, Washington had escaped the massacre unscathed. Furthermore, his reputation had been enhanced by his undeniable coolness under fire. Nevertheless, he had reason to be discouraged with his experiences so far in military services, as he would write his brother, Augustine, in August:

"I was employ'd to go a journey in the Winter (when I believe few or none wou'd have undertaken it) and what did I get by it? my expenses borne! I then was appointed with trifling Pay to conduct an handful of Men to the Ohio. What did I get by this? Why, after putting myself to a considerable expence in equipping and providing necessarys for the Campaigne I went out, was soundly beaten, lost them all -- came in, and had my Commission taken from me or, in other words my Corn'd, reduced, under pretence of an Order from home. I then went out a Volunteer with Genl. Braddock and lost all my Horses and many other things, but this being a voluntary act, I shou'd not have mention'd it, was it not to shew that I have been upon the loosing order ever since I enter'd the Service, which is now near two year's; so that I think I can't be blame'd, shou'd 1, if I leave my Family again, end'vt. to do it upon such terms as to prevent my sufferg., (to gain by it, is the least of my expectation). [33]

Washington was not to be disappointed in his expectations. On September 1 of that year, he was named Colonel of the reconstituted Virginia Regiment and commander-in-chief of the Virginia forces. Perhaps his time had finally come!

Next Installment: The Boulevard of Broken Dreams: Washington on the Forbes Road.

Bibliography

Abbot, W. (Ed.) The Papers of George Washington. Charlottesville, 1983.
Flexner, J, George Washington: The Forge of Experience. New York, 1965.
Kopperman, P. Braddock at the Monongahela. Pittsburgh, 1992.
Lewis, T. For King and Country: The Maturing of George Washington. New York, 1993.
McCardell, L. Ill-Starred General: Braddock of the Coldstream Guards. Pittsburgh, 1962.
O'Meara, W. Guns at the Forks. Pittsburgh, 1979.
Pargellis, S. Military Affairs in North America 1748-1765. Archon Books, 1969.

On-Line Sources:
Fitzpatrick, Writings of George Washington, online resource, http://etext.lib.virginia.edu/washington/fitzpatrick/

Footnotes

[1] This letter is quoted in an online resource of The Diaries of George Washington. Vol. 1. Donald Jackson, ed.; Dorothy Twohig, assoc. ed. The Papers of George Washington. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1976.
[2]Quoted in Flexner, George Washington: The Forge of Experience, page 108.
[3] Quoted in Jennings, Empire of Fortune, page 67.
[4] Quoted in Abbot (Editor), The Papers of George Washington, Vol. 1, pages 180-181.
[5] Quoted in Abbot, pages 225-226.
[6] Abbot, page 240.
[7] Abbot, page 243.
[8] Abbot, page 253,
[9] Washington mentions these misfortunes in a letter to Sarah Cary Fairfax dated April 30th. See Abbot, page 251.
[10] From a letter to John Carlyle dated Ft. Cumberland, Maryland, May 14. See Abbot, page 274.
[11] Abbot, page 272.
[12] Flexner, pages 120-121. The original letter, complete with misspellings, may be seen in Abbot, pages 298-300. It must be noted, however, that Washington was not totally in disagreement with Braddock as to the lack of colonial support. In a letter to Augustine Washington dated May 28th he states that, "...may, with almost equal success, attempt to raize the Dead, as the force of this Country..." Abbot, page 289. Apparently Washington, like many people, felt that it was all right for himself to criticize his own people but not so good for others to do so.
[13] In the same letter alluded to in the previous footnote, Washington ascribes the aid from Pennsylvania to their own self-interest. Braddock, on the other hand, revised his earlier negative opinion of the Pennsylvanians, stating that they were: "...exact in their Dealings, and much more industrious than the others." Quoted in Pargellis, Military Affairs in North America, pages 84-92."
[14] Abbot, pages 321-322.
[15] This information comes from a series of footnotes in Abbot, pages 326-328.
[16] Kopperman, Braddock at the Monongahela, pages 6 and 7 describes this unfortunate incident.
[17] O'Meara, Guns at the Forks, page 140.
[18] Quoted in Lewis, pages 178-179.
[19] Braddock, no diplomat, had succeeded in alienating most of those Native Americans with whom he had come into contact.
[20] See Lewis, page 180.
[21] Lewis, page 180.
[22] Quoted in Kopperman, page 22.
[23] Kopperman, page 25.
[24] Kopperman, page 256.
[25] For most of the description of the battle itself and this picturesque, but possibly fictional, scene, I have relied upon McCardell, Ill-Starred General: Braddock of the Coldstream Guards, pages 248-260.
[26] Kopperman, pages 230-232.
[27] Abbot, pages 536-537.
[28] Interestingly enough, Washington takes no credit for Braddock's decision to divide the army in this version.
[29] Fitzpatrick, Writings of George Washington, online resource, http://etext.lib.virginia.edu/washington/fitzpatrick/
[30] Actually, once the remnants of Braddock's division had reunited with that of Dunbar, the latter took over the command and the conducting of the retreat, eventually taking up winter quarters in Philadelphia - this in the middle of July.
[31] In fact, most accounts indicate that Braddock was generally silent and pensive, occasionally muttering "Who would have thought it?" as he lay dying. Toward the end, one of his last statements was "We'll know how to deal with them better the next time."
[32] Kopperman pages 218-220.
[33] Fitzpatrick, Writings of George Washington, online resource.


Part I: George Washington and Jumonville Glen
Part II: Reaping the Whirlwind: Fort Necessity

George Washington and the Seven Years War Part III: Into the Fire: The Braddock Campaign


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