Part I: George Washington and Jumonville Glen

In the initial installment of this three-part piece, we left Washington contemplating the consequences of the first military action of his career, that being his attack on a party of French under Ensign Jumonville, that resulted in the death (including Jumonville's) or capture of all of the French, except for one, who had carried the news back to the French commander of Fort Duquesne, Captain Contrecoeur. As already noted, the French claimed that they represented a peaceful diplomatic mission, whereas certain of their actions, such as hiding in the woods, seemed to reveal their mission as being more of the character of one of reconnaissance. Washington chose to believe the latter and represented it as such in his reports to Governor Dinwiddie.

Upon the defeat of Jumonville, Washington correctly reckoned on the likelihood of a French response in kind. From three French deserters, he had been informed that there were 1100 French at Fort Duquesne with reinforcements expected daily. [45]

Accordingly he set about having a stockaded "fort" built in the triangle of two streams that came together at Great Meadows. A trench was dug by his men roughly 2'/2 feet deep in the form of a circle with a diameter of 53 feet. Oak trees of 9 to 10 inches in diameter were then cut into 10-foot logs. These logs were in turn split lengthwise and then placed upright in the trench, edge to edge, with the bark still on them and with the flat side facing out. Their tops were cut to a point. Smaller unsplit logs of about 7 feet in length were placed behind these split logs to fill the gaps between them and allow for gun rests for the men inside. Since the trench was 2 1/2 feet deep, when filled in, it would then follow that the heights of these gun rests would have been around 4 1/2 feet, allowing an infantryman to rest his musket on top while firing from a standing position. A gate, facing west, 3'/2 feet wide was then suspended between two intact upright timbers. Then a 14-foot square log storehouse was built in the center of the stockade. It was roofed with tree bark and animal hides. Inside this structure were placed powder, food, and several kegs of rum. The stockade was intended to hold fifty men. The remainder were to fight from behind some trenches that were dug outside the enclosure. Washington himself was quite proud of his little fortification, writing to Dinwiddie on the 3rd of June: "We have just finish'd a small palisadod Fort, in which with my small numbers, I shall not fear the attack of 500 men." [46]

On the 2nd of June, the Half King had arrived at the Great Meadows with some 80 to 100 of his people, including women, children, and elderly men as well as warriors. Washington encouraged Tanacharisson to send all his non-combatants to the English settlements, but the Indian leader delayed making a decision for the time being. He informed Washington that Monacatootha [47] had gone to try to persuade the Ohio Indians to go on the warpath against the French, news that probably gave Washington cause for hope. In the event, Monacatootha's mission came to naught.

On the 9th of June, the other two companies of the Virginia regiment, numbering 110 men and five officers, commanded by Andrew Lewis and Robert Stobo, arrived at Washington's camp. These two companies were commanded by Major George Muse, who was filling in for Colonel Fry, the commander of the Virginia Regiment. Fry had fallen from his horse and was mortally injured. Indeed, on the 4th of June, Dinwiddie had written a letter to Washington promoting him to be the new commander of the Virginia Regiment. [48] Major Muse also brought with him nine swivel guns that were to be used as artillery.

At the same time, Colonel James Inns, a colonel in the North Carolina regiment then being raised, was designated to be the new overall commander for the expedition against Fort Duquesne. Since Innis held a King's commission and was a veteran of the Cartagena expedition of 1741, it was reasoned that there would be no disputing his right to command both regulars and provincial troops. Indeed, there was a question of rank involving those troops bearing the King's commission versus those commissioned by the Governor of Virginia. In the same letter, Dinwiddie alluded to this:

"The Capts. & Officers of the Independt Compas. Having their Commos. Sign'd by His M[ajest]y immagine they claim a distinguish'd rank & being long trained in Arms expect suitable regards. You will therefore consult & agree with Yr Officers to shew them particular marks of Esteem, which will avoid such Causes of Uneasiness as otherwise might obstruct His Majesty's Service wherein All are alike engag'd & must answer for any ill Consequence of an unhappy Disagreemt.." [49]

In other words, until Colonel Inns arrived to take overall command, there would be uncertainty over whether Colonel Washington, who bore the Governor's commission, could give orders to any of the Independent Companies of regular troops that were expected to arrive shortly under Captain James Mackay.

The day after the arrival of Major Muse's reinforcements, a ceremony was held to honor Washington's Indian allies. Wearing his full dress uniform, Washington conferred on Tanacharisson some wampum beads, other presents, and the honorary name of "Dinwiddie," which was said to mean "The Head of Everything." Queen Aliquippa, who was a matriarch of the Seneca and whose importance in Indian diplomacy heretofore had somewhat escaped Washington, then stepped forth and demanded an equal gift and title for her son, named Canachquasy, or Captain New Castle. Washington was quick to rectify the situation and, after conferring with those present, provided him with a gorget and the title of "Fairfax," which was said to mean "First of the Council." [50] 

Some four or five days later, Captain James Mackay arrived with 100 men of the South Carolina Independent Company along with 60 head of cattle, 5 days' rations of flour, and some powder and ball. Almost immediately those questions of rank to which we have above alluded ensued between Washington and Mackay. Although each man treated the other with utmost respect, neither officer felt duty bound to take orders from the other. Nor would Mackay's men take part in any labor on the fort without a payment of one shilling per day for such work. Mackay did not even feel himself obliged to accept the password of the day from Washington. As a result of a gentleman's agreement, the two commanders pledged themselves, as much as honor permitted, to work alongside each other while keeping separate camps. Privately, Washington wrote to Dinwiddie about Mackay that, "I can very confidently say that his absence would tend to the public advantage." [51]

With the arrival of his reinforcements, Washington began to feel more, aggressive. Partly because of this, and no doubt partly because of the embarrassment of Captain Mackay's presence at Fort Necessity, he resolved tc march to Red Stone Creek with his regiment, where he would continue uninterrupted work on the road. He also brought along the nine swivel guns, which he loaded on his wagons. On the morning of June 16th his little army marched forth. Scarcely had the first company entered the woods before one of his wagons broke down.

Despite this setback, the regiment pushed on amidst the backbreaking work of felling trees and wielding their picks and shovels to clear a road. At last, they marched as far as Gist's Plantation, where they arrived on the 28th, some 13 miles distant from Fort Necessity. This site, on a foothill near present-day Mount Braddock, was the Ohio Company's first planned settlement, comprising 2500 acres upon which 150 families were to be settled. Christopher Gist had brought eleven settlers there earlier in the spring and begun work on a stockade and a few buildings. [52] Establishing his headquarters in one of Gist's buildings, Washington sent Captain Lewis with 60 men to continue extending the road as far as Red Stone Creek, some 16 miles to the northwest.

Also on the 28th, Washington convened a conference with a delegation of some 40 Mingoes, Delawares, and Shawnee Indians that had arrived to size up the situation. The Mingoes themselves boldly stated that they were only there to report on the conference to the French. The Delaware and Shawnee representatives were more circumspect, choosing not to commit themselves one way or the other. Washington tried to bluff them into submission, telling them that he was but the vanguard of:

"...an army to maintain your rights; to put you in possession of your lands, and to take care of your wives and children, to dispossess the French, to support your prerogatives, and to make that whole country sure to you; for those very aims are the English arms actually employed; it is for the safety of your wives and children that we fight; and as this is the only motive of our conduct, we cannot reasonably doubt of being joined by the remaining part of your forces, to oppose the common enemy." [53]

It took no time at all for the Indians to see which side of their bread was buttered, once they compared Washington's feeble and poorly supplied force with the 2000 French that occupied the now completed Fort Duquesne. Not only did the Shawnees and the Delaware refuse to cast their lots with the Virginians, but even Tanacharisson now apparently decided that he could no longer give his active support and withdrew his scouts.

As Washington's men continued to work on the road, many of them grew weak and sickly from their diet consisting mainly of parched corn and freshly slaughtered beef. Then on the 27th of June, Monacatootha sent word that the French at Fort Duquesne were getting ready to march against Washington's forces. He further reported that the French numbered some 800 men and were supported by 400 Indians. [54]

Recalling his road workers, Washington hurriedly began preparing Gist's plantation to ward off an attack. He also sent a carefully worded message to Captain Mackay back at Fort Necessity requesting his assistance. For once, Mackay did not worry about issues of rank, but instead immediately marched forward to Washington's assistance.

And what of the French? Indeed, they were about their business of preparing an appropriate response. Contrecoeur had already written Governor Duquesne in indignant tones:

"I believe, Sir, it will surprise you to hear how basely the English have acted; it is what was never seen, even amongst nations who are the least civilized, to fall thus upon ambassadors and murder them." [55]

Captain Louis Coulon de Villiers, the half-brother of the slain Ensign Jumonville, and who had just arrived at Fort Duquesne with a body of twenty French soldiers and 130 Indians, was incensed when he had earlier been informed of Jumonville's killing. He thereupon had requested and received permission from Contrecoeur to leave Fort Duquesne with 600 French and Canadian troops and 100 Indian allies and to march against the English and "chastise them for having violated the most sacred laws of civilized nations." [56]

Contrecoeur, in the meantime, using his best diplomatic oratory, had assembled as many of his Indian allies together and addressed them thusly:

"The English have murdered my children, my heart is sick; tomorrow I shall send my French soldiers to take revenge. And now, men of the Sault St. Louis, men of the Lake of the Two Mountains, Hurons, Abenakis, Iroquois of La Presentation, Nipissings, Algonquins, and Ottawas - I invite you all by this belt of wampum to join your French father and help him to crush the assassins. Take this hatchet, and with it two barrels of wine for a feast." [57]

Villiers's command marched from the fort on the 28th of June with the intent of evicting the English from their territory with force. Two days later they arrived at the mouth of Red Stone Creek. The next morning, upon examining the rugged terrain that lay before him, he decided to leave his artillery, provisions, and wheeled vehicles under guard there at Trent's storehouse, which Villiers described as a cart shed, in order to travel light and fall upon the English before they could receive any reinforcements. At dawn on the 1St of July, he marched inland, headed for Gist's Plantation.

It was not with an air of confidence that Villiers began his march toward his appointment with destiny. That evening, he had even contemplated turning back to Fort Duquesne. This hesitation was based on reports he had received that Washington was soon to be reinforced by a body of 5000 men. However, at that moment a deserter from Adam Stephen's company named John Ramsey arrived in the French camp and informed Villiers of the actual weakened condition of the English force. This news reassured Villiers and determined him to press on.

Washington, meanwhile, was plagued by indecision over the changing situation. At around 2:00 a.m. of the 29th, Mackay's company had arrived at Gist's Plantation. This would bring the strength of his force up to around 400 effectives. But would this be enough? On the morning of the 30th, the very same day that Villiers was pulling his canoes ashore at Red Stone Creek, Washington called together a council of officers to explore their options. Based on the reports of the size of the French force, it was decided to withdraw the entire army back to Fort Necessity. The Minutes of this council are here reprinted in their entirety:

"Minutes of a Council of War

"At a Council of War held at Mr. Gists Ju(ne) 28th 1754

"After the Junction with our own Detachmt and the Independent Company To Consider what was most prudent & necessary (to) be done in the present Situation of Affairs: It was Unanimously Resolved that it was absolutely necessary to Return to our Fort at the meadows & Wait there untill Supply'd with a Stock of provisions Sufficient to serve us for some months. "The Reasons for so doing were very Weighty: "Monacattocha a man of Sense and Experience & a gre(at) friend to the English Had left the French Fort only two days before & Had Seen the Reinforcement arrive & heard them declare their Resolution to march and Attack the English with 800 of their own men & 400 Indians.

"There was a Reinforcemt hourly expected, we learned from French Deserters.

"We knew that two off (sic) our men had deserted to them and acquainted The Enemy of our Starving Condition and our Numbers & Situation. [58]

"We had wanted meat & Bread for Six days already, and were still uncertain when any would Arrive. We had only about 25 head of Live Cattle the most of them Milch Cows to depend upon for 400 men, and about one quart of Salt to Use with our Meat, or preserve it. The Enemy being thrice our Number & knowing our Cir(c)umstances would not give us a Chance to fight them, but Strive to starve us out by intercepting our Convoys. The Live Cattle were Uncertain (&) the Enemy strove to Block us up. If the Enemy were so Void of knowledge in Military affairs as to Risk a Battle; we must give a Total defeat to thrice our Number, Otherwise be Cut to pieces by so prodigious a Number of their Indians in our Retreat, who are the best people in the World to improve a Victory and at the best lose all our Warlike Stores & Swivles. Compelled by these Reasons it was Unanimously Resolved to Decamp directly, and to have our Swivles drawn By the men by Reason of the Scarcity of horses.

"Besides the In(di)ans declar'd that they would have leave us, unless we Returned to (the) Meadows. The distance Betwixt that & Mr. Gist's house, is thirteen miles of hilly Road form'd Naturally for Ambushes. The French could not so Easily Support to Carry the Stores & provisions & their want of horses to do it. They Can come within five miles of Gist's house by water, Thirteen miles further of bad Road was a great Obstruction to them & gave us an Opportunity of Obtaining intilligence, and Securing our Convoys. While we lay at Gist's house, They might pass us unobserv'd by a different Road from Red Stone that Lay about nine miles from us: But at the Meadows, both Roads are United, and the Bearing of the Mountains makes it difficult for an Enemy to Come Near or pass us without Receiving advice of it. From all these Considerations this Resolves"

"Signed by D, DLC:GW" [59]

Thus the entire march from Great Meadows to Gist's Plantation had, in retrospect, become a pointless exercise whose only effect was to drain the English troops of their strength, to say nothing of their morale.

At noon, they broke camp and began their fatiguing slog back to Fort Necessity. Since Washington had sent all but two of his teams of horses and what unbroken wagons remained back to Fort Necessity to await the longpromised supplies, he was forced to abandon much of his powder and shot in the woods. Teams of men were formed to spell each other off in the manhandling of the. swivel guns back to camp. Mackay's men took no part in the hauling of supplies, because they did not receive any extra pay, as they had demanded.

After two wearying days, the English column finally arrived back at the Fort. Contrary to their expectations, there were no fresh supplies awaiting them, only the teams of empty wagons that had been sent back earlier. Another council of war was held. Except for their extreme fatigue, they would have continued to fall back the remaining 50 miles all the way to Wills Creek, but under the circumstances, this was no longer an option. As it was, they could only hunker down and wait for events to catch up with them.

Not long afterwards, several wagons laden with flour arrived. They also brought word that two companies of regulars from New York were on their way, having disembarked from their ship at Alexandria some 20 days earlier. [60]

It was believed that they would soon be arriving with more supplies and artillery. Washington distributed a flour ration to his troops and set about strengthening the fort. Even Mackay's men joined in this time, [61] and the trenches were extended and the swivel guns placed. Tanacharisson watched Washington's preparations and urged him to retreat to Wills Creek. When Washington failed to heed his advice, the Half King and his few warriors sensibly vanished into the woods.

Villiers was not long in making his appearance. On the morning of the 3'd of July, a scouting party, one of whose members had a light wound in his heel, came rushing into the fort to proclaim that they had seen a "numerous body, all naked" [62] of the enemy approaching. Villiers had finally met up with the enemy, yet despite all his careful planning, he had not been able to determine the exact location of Washington's force and initially presented an open flank to them before quickly rectifying the situation.

Washington seems to have assumed that the ensuing battle was to be fought in textbook fashion and acted accordingly. As he spotted three columns of French soldiers deploying into a skirmish line, he and Mackay formed their men into a line of battle in front of their trenches. James Wood of Winchester would write:

"We drew up on the parade (and) saw the French and Indians coming down the hill." [63]

Accounts differ as to which side fired first. Washington stated that the French first fired at a range of six hundred yards, well out of effective musket range. Villiers indicates that the English fired first with their swivels. In the event, no casualties ensued. Then as the French broke ranks to take possession of the surrounding woods, a portion of which was within musket range of the fort, Washington marched his own men back into the trenches. Before this happened, however, a strange thing occurred.

It appears that upon the first sight of the enemy columns, Major George Muse's nerves snapped. In the words of James Wood, Muse told his men to halt, became panic stricken, and ran back to the fort. Muse cowered in the storehouse for the rest of the battle and later resigned his commission in disgrace.

Perhaps the best description of the battle that followed can be found in Washington's own report that he wrote afterwards:

"I. Account by George Washington and James Mackay of the Capitulation of Fort Necessity Williamsburg 19 July 1754

"The third of this Instant July, about 9 o'Clock, we received Intelligence that the French, having been reinforced with 700 Recruits, had left the Monongehela, and were in full March with 900 Men to attack us. Upon this, as our Numbers were so unequal, (our whole Force not exceeding 300) we prepared for our Defence in the best Manner we could, by throwing up a small Intrenchment, which we had not Time to perfect, before our Centinel gave Notice, about Eleven o'Clock, of their Approach, by firing his Piece, which he did at the Enemy, and as we learned afterwards killed three of their Men, on which they began to fire upon us, at about 600 Yards Distance, but without any Effect: We immediately called all our Men to their Arms, and drew up in Order before our Trenches; but as we looked upon this distant Fire of the Enemy only as an Artifice to intimidate, or draw our Fire from us, we waited their nearer Approach before we returned their Salute. They then advanced in a very irregular Manner to another Point of Woods, about 60 Yards off, and from thence made a second Discharge; upon which, finding they had no Intention of attacking us in the open Field, we retired into our Trenches, and still reserved our Fire; as we expected from their great Superiority of Numbers, that they would endeavour to force our Trenches; but finding they did not seem to intend this neither, the Colonel gave Orders to fire, which was done with great Alacrity and Undauntedness.

We continued this unequal Fight, with an Enemy sheltered behind the Trees, ourselves without Shelter, in Trenches full of Water, in a settled Rain, and the Enemy galling us on all Sides incessantly from the Woods, till 8 o'Clock at Night, when the French called to Parley: From the great Improbability that such a vastly superior Force, and possessed of such an Advantage, would offer a Parley first, we suspected a Deceit, and therefore refused to consent that they should come among us; on which they desired us to send an Officer to them, and engaged their Parole for his Safety; we then sent Capt. Van Braam, and Mr. Peyronee, to receive their Proposals, which they did, and about Midnight we agreed that each Side should retire without Molestation, they back to their Fort at Monongahela, and we to Wills's Creek: That we should march away with all the Honours of War, and with all our Stores, Effects and Baggage. Accordingly the next Morning, with our Drums beating and our Colours flying, we began our March in good Order, with our Stores, &c. in Convoy; but we were interrupted by the Arrival of a Reinforcement of 100 Indians among the French, who were hardly restrained from attacking us, and did us considerable Damage by pilfering our Baggage.

We then proceeded, but soon found it necessary to leave our Baggage and Stores; the great Scarcity of our Provisions obliged us to use the utmost Expedition, and having neither Waggons nor Horses to transport them. The Enemy had deprived us of all our Creatures; by killing, in the Beginning of the Engagement, our Horses, Cattle, and every living Thing they could, even to the very Dogs. The Number of the Killed on our Side was thirty, and seventy wounded; among the former was Lieutenant Mercier, of Captain MacKay's independent Company; a Gentleman of true military Worth, and whose Bravery would not permit him to retire, though dangerously wounded, till a second Shot disabled him, and a third put an End to his Life, as he was carrying to the Surgeon. Our Men behaved with singular Intrepidity, and we determined not to ask for Quarter, but with our Bayonets screw'd, to sell our Lives as dearly as possibly we could. From the Numbers of the Enemy, and our Situation, we could not hope for Victory; and from the Character of those we had to encounter, we expected no Mercy, but on Terms that we positively resolved not to submit to.

"The Number killed and wounded of the Enemy is uncertain, but by the Information given by some Dutch in their Service to their Countrymen in ours, we learn that it amounted to above three hundred; and we are induced to believe it must be very considerable, by their being busy all Night in burying their Dead, and yet many remained the next Day; and their Wounded we know was considerable, by one of our Men, who had been made Prisoner by them after signing the Articles, and who, on his Return told us, that he saw great Numbers much wounded and carried off upon Litters.

"We were also told by some of their Indians after the Action, that the French had an Officer of distinguishable Rank killed. Some considerable Blow they must have received, to induce them to call first for a Parley, knowing, as they perfectly did, the Circumstances we were in." [64]

In fact, Villiers had suffered the loss of two killed and 17 seriously wounded. As to the reasons for Villiers's willingness to parley, see his journal appended below. Nevertheless, Washington had clearly seen the hopelessness of his position and was only too willing to negotiate for a safe passage out of harm's way. To make matters worse, half of his soldiers were now drunk, having broken into the rum that had been placed in the storehouse. This fact, coupled with his serious losses of thirty men killed and seventy wounded, constituted compelling reasons to negotiate his way out.

Two more accounts of the Fort Necessity battle exist and are worth quoting. A volunteer in the Virginia Regiment named John Shaw states that the English:

"...were drawn up before the French but did not fire, the French still keeping at a Distance. They then turned off] to a Point of Wood that lay very near our Men upon which our Men went into their little Intrenchments upon which the French made a general Discharge, but our Men having kept up their Fire [65] their Indians were thereby encouraged to advance out of the Wood, and show themselves pritty near where our Men lay. Upon which Col. Washington gave the Word to fire which was accordingly done and many of the Indians were killed, our People having two swivel Guns which were discharged at the same Time. After this neither French nor Indians appeared any more but kept behind Trees firing at our Men the best part of the Day, as our People did at them... The French were at that Time so near that many of our People were wounded." [66] 

Another account by the above mentioned James Wood includes events from the 16 `h of June until the 3`d of July and states:

"June 16. Sund. Colo. Washington contrary to the advice of the half King marched from Fort Necessity with the Virga Companys intended to the Mouth of Red Stone Creek from thence to attack the F. Fort. Capt. McCay with the Carolina Independt Company remained at F. Necess. Marched to Guess's house Eleven mingos from the F. Fort who pretended to be friends. Were there or came to them also the half King and King Shingus with Eight Delawares Field officers and Indians Sat in Council 3 days the Captains not permited to be at the Council Lewis was detached with a Lieut. An Ensign two Corporals and 54 men Ordered to Clear a Road from Guess's House to the mouth of the Red Stone Poison detached with 26 men to go to the Dunchars [Dunkers] Ordered to Build Canoes and to bring Corn down Monangala to the mouth of Red Stone.

Escub(ap) was heard to say how glorious it would be to take the F.F. without the assistance of Cap. McCay. Remained with Washington. About 130 men. Monagototha arrived Informed Washington that he with 60 Indians were marching to him and were Stopt by the French and retained in the F.F. that the French were reinforced with 700 men and intended immediately to attack them that he made his Escape in the night. On this they got together all the Rails on Guss's Pla( ) and made a Hog pen fort surrounded with standing Trees and Commanding ground Sent to call in the parties and for Capt. MacCays Comp. He marched all night and Joined them. A Council of War called the Captains admited for the first time. Agreed to Retreat to Fort neces.

The men Tuesday imployed in getting Logs to enlarge the fort Wed. mom. 3 July about 9 oClock, an Indian arrived informed them the French and Indians were within 4 miles. In the greatest Confusion fell to diging Trenches[.] abt 11. We drew up on the parade saw the French and Indians coming down a hill We marched to take possession of a Point of Woods Muse called to halt the French would take possession of Our Fort and Trenches ran back in the utmost Confusion happy he that could get into the Fort first The french Firing at 600 yds dist. got possession of the Trees and Commanding ground in a Semi Circle kept a Constant firing till dark then beat a Parley." [67]

Van Braam and Peyronie, seriously wounded, came back with a surrender document that Van Braam verbally read to Washington. It is reproduced here:

"Capitulation granted by Mr. De Villiers, Captain and Commander of his Majesty's Troops,
to those English Troops actually in Fort-Necessity. July the 3d, 1754, at 8 o'clock at Night

"As our Intentions have never been to trouble the Peace and good Harmony subsisting between the two Princes in Amity, but only to revenge the Assassination committed on one of our Officers, bearer of a Summon, as also on his Escorte, and to hinder any Establishment on the Lands of the Dominions of the King my Master: Upon these Considerations, we are willing to shew Favour to all the English who are in the said Fort, on the following Conditions, viz.

Article I.

"We grant Leave to the English Commander, to retire with all his Garrison, and to return peaceably into his own Country; and promise to hinder his receiving any Insult from us French; and to restrain, as much as shall be in our Power, the Indians that are with us.

II.

"It shall be permitted him to go out, and carry with him all that belongs to them, except the Artillery, which we reserve.

III.

"That we will allow them the Honours of War; that they march out with Drums beating, and one Swivel Gun, being willing thereby to convince them, that we treat them as Friends.

IV.

"That as soon as the Articles are signed by both Parties, the English Colours shall be struck.

V.

"That To-morrow, at Break of Day, a Detachment of French shall go and make the Garrison file of[f], and take Possession of the Fort.

VI.

"As the English have but few Oxen or Horses left, they are at Liberty to hide their Effects, and to come again, and search for them, when they have a Number of Horses sufficient to carry them off; and that for this End, they may have what Guards they please; on Condition, that they give their Word of Honour, to work no more upon any Buildings in this Place, or any Part on this Side the Mountains.

VII.

"And as the English have in their Power, one Officer, two Cadets, and most of the Prisoners made at the Assassination of M. de Jumonville, and promise to send them back, with a safe Guard to Fort du Quesne, situate[d] on the Ohio. For Surety of their performing this Article as well as this Treaty, M. Jacob Vambrane and Robert Stobo, both Captains, shall be delivered to us as Hostages, till the Arrival of our French and Canadians above mentioned. We oblige ourselves on our Side, to give an Escorte to return these two Officers in Safety; and expect to have our French in two Months and a Half at farthest. A Duplicate of this being fixed upon one of the Posts of our Blockade, the Day and Year above mentioned." [68]

When it was time to sign the document, Washington did not quibble about rank. He allowed MacKay to sign it first and added his own name underneath.

The signing of this document brought a storm of controversy about Washington's head through his apparent admission that he had assassinated Jumonville. In addition, a so-called journal of Washington's would later be found by the French in the ruins of his camp and published widely in Europe, much to the embarrassment of the English, who by this were painted as the aggressors. A few years later, Washington would try to defend himself in a letter written to an unknown recipient:

"In regard to the journal, I can only observe in general, that I kept no regular one during that expedition; rough minutes of occurrences I certainly took, and find them as certainly and strangely metamorphosed; some parts left out, which I remember were entered, and many things added that never were thought of; the names of men and things egregiously miscalled; and the whole of what I saw Englished is very incorrect and nonsensical; yet, I will not pretend to say that the little body, who brought it to me, has not made a literal translation, and a good one." [69]

Further on, Washington addresses the use of the term "assassination:"

"That we were wilfully, or ignorently, deceived by our interpreter in regard to the word assassination, I do aver, and will to my dying moment; so will every officer that was present. The interpreter was a Dutchman, little acquainted with the English tongue, therefore might not advert to the tone and meaning of the word in English; but, whatever his motives were for so doing, certain it is, he called it the death, or the loss, of the Sieur de Jumonville. So we received and so we understood it, until, to our great surprise and mortification, we found it otherwise in a literal translation." [7]

Washington's testimony was supported by that of Captain Stephen:

"It rained so heavily that he [Van Braam] Could not give us a written Translation of them; we could scarcely keep the Candle light to read them; they were wrote in a bad Hand, on wet and blotted Paper so that no Person could read them but Van Braam who had heard them from the mouth of the French Officer. Every Officer then present is willing to declare, that there was no such word as Assassination mentioned; the Terms expressed to us were `the death of Jumonville."
[71]

Van Braam quickly became the scapegoat for the confusion over the articles of surrender. Later, when the Virginia House of Burgesses thanked the Virginia troops for their sacrifice at Fort Necessity, Van Braam's name was ungraciously excluded from the list.

As to the evacuation of the Fort, it seems to have been less dignified than the terms of the capitulation had specified, at least in the eyes of one reporter:

"...the Indians got in and pillaged them of all their baggage and provisions, shot down all their cows and horses and in short took everything from them but their powder, which they destroyed themselves by throwing it in the ditch that surrounds the Camp; they [the Indians] also killed two of the wounded and Scalped them, and also three of the Soldiers who happened to get drunk and were asleep. Col. Washington upon this complained of the treatment they received, so contrary to the conditions agreed upon and the French Commander pretending to put a stop to it, ran in among the Indians with his Sword drawn, but instead of persuading them from it, he commended them for their courage, and the treatment they had given the English. The number of the French was 900 and 200 Indians and what is most severe upon us, is that they were all our own Indians, Shawnesses, Delawares and Mingoes ... for many of the English knew them, and called to them by their name to Spare their Goods, but all the answer they got was calling them the worst names their Language admits of."[72]

Nevertheless, on the morning of July 4th, 1754, Washington and the surviving men of his command began the mournful trek back to Will's Creek. It was a melancholy day for Washington. Ironically, for the remainder of his life he would look upon the date of July 4th with a certain degree of sadness.

Footnotes