by Robert S. Ross
In many respects, China can draw considerable confidence from the current status of Sino-Japanese relations. For an historically troubled relationship and one that has considerable potential for heightened tension and conflict, the two sides have developed foreign policies and a bilateral relationship that suggests a long-term ability to manage and constrain the inevitable competition that will develop between two great powers in close proximity that are simultaneously developing expanded economic, political and military roles in East Asia- their common strategic backyard. A crucial component of contemporary Sino-Japanese relations that helps reassure Chinese leaders of the prospects for long-term stability and contributes to Chinese ability to prepare for instability is bilateral economic cooperation. Sino-Japanese economic relations can provide the capital and technology required to modernize China's economy and defense capabilities. Equally important, over the long-term it can provide powerful economic and social incentives for leaders in both countries to maintain cooperation and to find peaceful solutions to bilateral conflicts. To the extent that interest groups develop in Japan that benefit from Japanese participation in Chinese economic development, they can encourage politicians to consider compromise solutions to conflicts of interests. This dynamic is apparent in U.S.-China relations, in which U.S. business interests have been instrumental in the annual efforts by the White House to maintain China's Most Favored Nation (MFN) trading status. Economic cooperation can create a foundation for cooperative relations which can exist amid developing political conflict. Recent trends in Sino-Japanese economic relations are
encouraging. Japan is China's largest trading partner. In 1995, total
merchandise trade increased to nearly U.S. $58 billion, a nearly 25
percent increase over 1994; China's imports from Japan grew by over
17 percent to nearly U.S. $22 billion. Chinese exports to Japan play an
important role in Beijing's efforts to accumulate hard currency. Exports
grew by 30 percent to nearly U.S. $36 billion, yielding China a U.S.
$14 billion trade surplus with Japan.
[19]
Although this trade surplus may create friction with Japan, it is a
manageable amount, especially insofar as Japan continues to run an
overall trade surplus.
China is also an important export market for Japanese
manufactured goods. In 1994, China was Japan's fifth largest export
market, significantly contributing to Japanese employment and stable
economic growth. [20]
In the future, the Chinese consumer market should become
increasingly important for Japan, as Chinese economic development
spreads beyond coastal cities and major industrial centers, stimulating
increased Chinese demand for high-end imported consumer goods.
Especially important for the economic and political relationship
is the trend for Japanese investment in China. Through the 1980s and
early 1990s, Japanese investors showed little interest in China. Through
1989, Japan had provided only 8 percent of the direct foreign
investment in China and only 1 percent of Japan's total direct foreign
investment and 6 percent of its direct foreign investment in Asia.
[22]
The dearth of investment aroused suspicions in China over
Japanese attitudes toward China, particularly insofar as the minimal
investment led to little technology transfer.
This trend began a fundamental turnaround in 1992. Between
March 1992 and March 1993, new Japanese investment in China
increased by 87 percent over the previous year and three times that of
1989-90, while total Japanese overseas investment dropped by 18
percent. By 1993, Japan had become the fourth largest investor in
China, surpassing Germany. [22]
Sino-Japanese investment
relations took another positive turn in 1995. In the first 6 months of
1995, actual Japanese capital input into China increased nearly 48
percent over the same period in 1994. More importantly, in 1995 large
Japanese firms, including Matsushita, NEC and Toyota, began investing
in large-scale Chinese manufacturing projects involving high-technology
industries. [23]
Japanese capital is now beginning to make a significant
contribution to Chinese economic development. Moreover, this trend
has important implications for the Sino-Japanese political relationship,
creating a significant Japanese economic interest in stable political
relations.
Finally, Japan's important loan program to China also
contributes to Chinese economic development. Between 1979 and
1995, Japan's three yen loan packages for China amounted to
approximately 1.6 trillion yen. The annual interest rate for the loans has
been a mere 2.3 percent and China has 30 years to repay the loans,
with an additional 10 years of "deferment." In preliminary negotiations
for the fourth loan package covering 1996-98, Tokyo agreed to loan
Beijing an additional 580 billion yen to help in the construction of 40
projects, including such important infrastructure projects as airports and
water supply systems. [24]
In the aftermath of the February 1996 earth-quake in Yunnan
province Japan also offered China U.S.$300,000 in emergency aid.
[25]
Complementing the positive developments in trade relations
have been constructive developments in political relations. In the
aftermath of the June 1989 Tiananmen incident, Japan was the
advanced industrial country least inclined to allow ideological
considerations to interfere with bilateral ties. There was never any
question that Japan would continue to grant yen loans to China and that
trade relations would continue uninterrupted. Since then, bilateral
summitry has been a common development in relations, including
frequent trips back and forth by each country's prime minister and a
historic visit to Beijing by the Japanese emperor. The dialogue in these
meetings has been free of the friction that so often characterizes
meetings between U.S. and Chinese diplomats, despite the existence of various
Sino-Japanese conflicts of interest.
The absence of ideological conflict has allowed Japan to engage
Chinese leaders in a regular security dialogue. Since the two sides
agreed to hold the security meetings in 1993, they have held three such
meetings, the most recent in January 1996. Prior to the 1996 meeting,
separate meetings had been held between foreign ministry and defense
department officials. In 1996, Tokyo and Beijing held a joint session of
diplomatic and defense officials, including Chinese General Xiong
Guankai. Annual, low-profile meetings such as these offer regular
opportunities for each side to express concerns about the other's
defense and foreign policies, including trends in their respective defense
budgets. [26]
Bilateral dialogues can also be conducive to dealing with
specific issues. After tensions developed in January 1996, in early
March the Japanese and Chinese foreign ministers agreed to open
bilateral talks over economic development of the waters surrounding the
disputed Diaoyutai/Senkaku islands. [27]
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