The Young Guard
by Major A. W. Field
THE YOUNG GUARD
Recruits for Napoleon's Young Guard were selected from
volunteers and the biggest, strongest and best educated men
from the current class of conscripts. Needless to say,
volunteers, by definition, were generally better motivated
than most of the conscripts and despite the strength of
feeling against the later levies there were many who were
prepared to volunteer for the defence of La Fatrie,
irrespective of their personal attitude to Napoleon. By having
the luxury of being selective the Guard 'was able to choose
those conscripts who by age or physique were best able to
withstand the rigours, of campaign. The building up of the
Guard may be seen as a deliberate, Attempt to throw a more
glamorous light onto the hated duties of compulsory service
but there is no evidence to support this, Napoleon: never
clearly stated his purpose in establishing, the Young Guard,
but there is no doubt that if the Old Guard was raised as the
ultimate reserve to be committed only at the critical
moment I of battle, the Young Guard was raised to
fight:.Napoleon wrote of his Guard; "in war I profit more
from the fusillers and conscripts than from the grenadiers
and chasseurs". [30]
Although their mental and physical maturity were
likely to improve their combat effectiveness, their greatest
advantage the high quality of the officer and NCO cadres
that Were provided for them by, the Old and Middle Guards.
With these veterans to guide them and inculcate the best
traditions of the Guard into them, their battlefield
performance exceeded all expectations. Another spin off from
"the, building, up of this esprit de corps" was the reducing
of the chances that the conscripts would desert. Of the
43,000 conscripts who were accepted for the Young
Guard, Lachouque reports that fewer than 100 had
deserted from the Young Guard.
[31]
Napoleon clearly realised that an elite Young Guard
of mature, well led conscripts with high morale would be the
most combat effective part of his army. He therefore went to
much trouble to increase their strength by exploiting all
available resources and took great personal interest in their
raising and organisation. By the end of the campaign
there were 19 regiments each of Voltigeurs and Tirailleurs
and he had increased the establishment of many of these
from two battalions to three. As the campaign went on
'processed' conscripts were sent to the new regiments and
divisions rather than to reinforce those already organised
and at the front. The result was that the front line divisions
continually shrunk in size whilst entirely new and untried
divisions were hastily organised and sent forward to join the
fighting. Ultimately, when these older divisions became non-
effective due to their losses they were merely merged with
another in a similar situation.
It is worth briefly following one of these divisions to
illustrate this: the 1st Voltigeur Division commanded by
General de Division Meunier was one of the first to be raised
after Leipzig and was thus reasonably well equipped, armed
and organised with "excellent cadres". In December 1813 it
numbered 117 officers and 4,700 men and in the first
skirmishes with the allies one of the brigade commanders
(Rousseau) reported; "I have nothing but praise for our
youngsters; they fought well."
[32]
By the 26th January when the army concentrated at
Chalons, before any battle had been fought, their strength
was down to 3,830. Having fought at Brienne and then La
Rothiere, the first major engagements of the campaign, they
were reduced to a strength of approximately 3,000. After the
terrible retreat that followed that defeat they fought again at
Montmirail, were present but saw little or no fighting at
Vauchamps and Montereau, by which time they mustered
hardly 2,000 men. By the time of the battle at Craonne (7 Mar)
the division was only about 1,000 strong: involved in heavy
fighting, that day cost them over 50% of their remaining
strength, 540 men becoming casualties (including the colonel
of the 1st Voltigeurs, six out of the eight unit commanding
officers and 30 other officers)!
With the division reduced to the strength of a single
battalion they fought again at Laon two days later. It is little
surprise that Napoleon wrote after this battle; "The Young
Guard is melting like snow in the sun". [33] After Laon, Meunier's
division was merged into the 2nd Voltigeur Division in the
reorganisation that saw four Young Guard divisions
amalgamated into two.
A total of nine Young Guard divisions were raised for
this campaign, but although those raised early on were filled
with the right calibre of men, reasonably well equipped and
with a strong cadre this was not true of all of them. The
Guard began to suffer the same sort of shortages of
equipment and uniforms as the line troops, General d'Ornano
writing; "we have no credit". [34] The Guard's funds were
exhausted. Despite this Napoleon continued to write
optimistic letters to d'Ornano "You must have at least twenty
battalion cadres ... when filled up these will make a fine
reserve of 16,000 men ... announce these divisions today
and organise them tomorrow".
[35]
But cadres became increasingly hard to find even for
the Guard and a number of sources had to be used; officers
were appointed from the Royal Guards of Naples and Spain
and retired veterans were recalled - two NCOs posted to the
9th Tirailleurs, had each lost an arm! Even the quality of the
conscripts sent to the Guard fell: Napoleon had some that
were allocated to VI Corps (and had therefore originally
missed selection to the Guard) sent to Curial's 2nd Young
Guard Division because he "would make better use of them
than Marmont." [36]
The fact of the matter was that whatever handicaps
the Young Guard were working under, as the campaign
progressed they became the principle component of the army
and Napoleon relied on them to do the lion's share of the
fighting, supported increasingly by the Old Guard. As the
Emperor advanced against Blucher with nearly 40,000 men in
March, 27,000 were of the Guard and at Craorme they
accounted for 90% of the French troops present at that bloody battle.
[1] 'These poor children'.
Expression used by De Segur to describe the 113th Line at the battle
of Charnpaubert, 10th Feb 1814.
'Ces Pauvres Enfants': Napoleon's Marie-Louises Of 1814 by Major A. W. Field
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