by Jorge Sanchez-Galarraga
On January 13 Lord Egremont sent Amherst orders for the preparation of the force of 4,000 to embark from New York with the proviso that it "was extremely to be wished that this detachment should consist of an equal number of regulars and provincials." Knowing the provincials' justified loathing for campaigns in the West Indies, [151] their destination was not to be revealed to them until they were already at sea. As inducement they were to be told to consider "the short duration of the service and the small distance of the object" and the fact "that they shall be treated, in all respects, upon the same footing, and with the same indulgence, as His Majesty's regular troops" and that "they should have an equal share in all booty gained from the enemy in common with his regular troops".
If necessary, Amherst was authorized "to offer any farther douceurs to these troops that you shall think proper and reasonable should it be necessary". If he were to fail in the seduction of the provincials, he was to make up the whole detachment of regulars. The troops were to be embarked in time to arrive at Havana during the month of April, or at the beginning of May at the latest, but if Amherst could not succeed in assembling the whole force so that it would arrive there by then, he was to initially embark at least 2000 and the balance later. There were also instructions to Lord Colville (Commander-inChief of the North American squadron) at Halifax to provide transport vessels at New York for the 4,000 men and one ship of the line and two frigates of his squadron as their escort. Finally, if the rendezvous with Pocock off Cape St. Nicolas could not be effected the Americans were likewise ordered to make their own way to Havana through the Old Bahama Channel.
Amherst normally would have received his orders by mid February. However, fortune intervened, the originals were lost, and he did not receive a copy of them until April 1. The six weeks lost precluded the possibility of embarking in enough time to meet Albemarle and Pocock at the rendezvous point. [152]
Amherst went into a flurry of activity to make up for lost time. In order to raise the required quota of provincials he immediately wrote to the governors of New Jersey, Rhode Island, Connecticut, and New York on April 2nd asking for drafts. Governors Josiah Hardy of New Jersey and Stephen Hopkins of Rhode Island were each asked for contingents of 207 men. Governor Cadwallader Colden of New York was requested to provide 553 men and Governor Thomas Fitch of Connecticut 1033 men. At the same time, the regulars were summoned to New York. The 253 men of Gorham's Rangers were ordered transported by sea to New York from Nova Scotia. The 46th Regiment (668 men) and 58th Regiment (590 men), then in Canada, were to forcemarch to New York. Finally, the four New York independent companies, numbering a total of 335 men and stationed at various garrisons throughout that state, were ordered to assemble at New York City. [153]
Lieutenant-General Ralph Burton was given overall command of the North American contingent with Major-General Phineas Lyman as his second.
While the concentration of the regulars at New York was just a matter of issuing the orders and waiting for them to arrive as a unit, the mustering of most of the provincials required some prodding and negotiation. New York's provincials became reluctant to enlist when they learned that they were to serve outside America, also fearing that they would be impressed into the British regiments. Only after the Assembly voted a forty-shilling bounty to those who would serve outside America and Amherst pledged that the New Yorkers would not be forceably enlisted into the regulars was a five company battalion totaling 567 men finally raised. One of these companies arrived at New York City in the middle of May but the other four did not until June 12.
Rhode Island was the first to respond. Two companies totaling 119 men arrived at New York on May 11. Although grateful for the quick response, Amherst chided Governor Hopkins that they "were a good many boys, hardly able to carry arms." A third company of 93 men arrived on May 16.
As late as April 28 Connecticut's Governor Fitch was still advising Amherst that he was facing difficulty in obtaining transport and needed to be informed what allowance was to be paid per recruit. Growing impatient, Amherst fired back that he expected "no difficulty in procuring Vessels, at the Usual Allowances" and that "I must once more repeat my Surprize that none of the connecticutt detachment are Yet arrived: the Embarkation waits only for them."The 1050 Connecticut men finally arrived at New York City by May 30.
The regulars arrived within a two-week span of each other. The 46th and the New York Independent Companies were already in New York City by May 30. Gorham's Rangers and the 58th both arrived by June 7.
Because of the staggered arrival of all units and the shortage of available transport Amherst chose to send the brigade in two divisions. All regulars and provincials in New York City by May 30 would form a first division and all other units a second. Embarkation of the first division onto sixteen transports was completed on June 9. They departed New York City that very day under escort of Intrepid (70) and Chesterfield (40) but due to contrary winds did not clear Sandy Hook until June 11. The 2577 men of the first division were:
Although all troops that were to form the second division had arrived in New York City by June 12, their departure was delayed by a shortage of transports that was not remedied until June 27. On June 30 fourteen transports escorted by Enterprise (40), Lizard (26), and Porcupine (16) sailed past Sandy Hook in a gale and headed towards Havana with 1,320 troops of the second division aboard:
Albemarle and Pocock had arrived at Havana on June 6 before the first division had even embarked at New York. After not finding any sign of the North American convoys at the Cape St. Nicolas rendezvous, they had sailed on to Havana on May 27 through the Old Bahama Channel along the North coast of Cuba. The use of this channel was a bold gambit by the Admiralty to reach Havana through the most direct route. It saved time and improved the chance of surprise, but was little known and dangerous because of its narrowness and the many uncharted reefs lying just beneath the surface. No large fleet was known to have even attempted its crossing. Even so, navigational charts of the channel based upon soundings made by the Spanish San Lorenzo in 1747 fell into British hands in 1752 and emboldened the Admiralty to direct Pocock to use the channel to approach Havana. Since the local Bahamian pilots had not proven reliable, the frigate Richmond (40) was sent ahead of the fleet with other small craft to take soundings and mark the channel by stationing small craft on both of its sides with signals in daytime and bonfires at night. The measures taken proved so effective that not even one of two hundred thirteen ship armada ran aground during the one hundred mile trajectory through it. [154]
Pocock left Port Mahon (20) stationed at the Cape St. Nicolas rendezvous and Hampshire (50) cruising the Mayaguana Passage in the southeastern Bahamas waiting for the New York convoys with letters to their commanders stating " I hope several of the masters of the transports from New York are acquainted in the Old Straits ...I am sorry not to able to leave any pilots ... If you think it too hazardous to come through the Old Straits of Bahama, you must in that case proceed with the convoy down the south side of Cuba and so round to the Havana.." The failure of the North American convoys to carry any pilots familiar with the channel or to even receive these instructions would make their Old Bahama Channel crossing a totally different experience.
There were dangers other than just navigational obstacles lurking for the American convoys in the Caribbean. On January 24 a French fleet of seven ships of the line and four frigates with two thousand infantry aboard had left Brest under the command of Rear Admiral Comte de Blenac. It arrived off Martinique on March 9 only to find that island already surrendered to the British, so it sailed on to Cape Francois on the North coast St. Domingue. Blenac's passage had not gone unnoticed and his presence so close to the Cape St. Nicholas rendezvous created a new menace to the North American convoys. On May 6 Pocock sent a message to New York advising that the Americans should stay clear of Cape Francois in coming down to the rendezvous point. This message was repeated in the letters for the convoys left with Port Mahon and Hampshire. Other than providing these warnings Pocock did not make any other dispositions to provide the North American contingent with additional security against the French threat.
As early as June 17 Albemarle was pining at Havana for the arrival of the New York convoys: "I wish the North Americans were arrived, we want them much...". His tone grew more concerned when another month passed with no account of their fate: "...if the North Americans do not arrive, and very soon, I shall be at a great loss how to proceed." The plan for the capture of the city called for first taking El Morro fortress on the East side of its harbor entrance by formal siege. This orthodox but slow course of action accepted the risk that tropical disease would cause a substantial number of casualties. Albemarle's brother, Major-General William Keppel, [155]
who was in charge of the siege operations against El Morro, concurred that "The sickness among the troops still increases; the arrival of the North Americans are become absolutely necessary to our future success and that very soon to be (of) use." Yellow fever, the bane of all European troops campaigning in the tropics, had begun to take its toll on Albemarle's army. His desperation grew as his force dwindled more from disease than from combat with the North Americans offering the only hope for relief.
The journey of the first division from New York to Havana started routinely but nearly turned into a catastrophe. When it reached the Mayaguana Passage, Hampshire was not found on station and none of the warnings that Pocock had taken care to provide were passed on. [156] The commanders of the convoys for both divisions had been ordered that upon failing to make contact at the rendezvous they were "...then to make the best of your way through the Old Straits of Bahama towards Havana..." When Pocock's main fleet had sailed through the channel Captain John Elphinston of the Richmond had been instrumental in laying out the course that the fleet had safely followed.
On July 14 Pocock sent Elphinston back through the straits to seek out the first division. Before contact could be made, the commander of the first division convoy, John Hale of Intrepid, had decided to take his chances with the channel. The first reverse occurred on July 21 when the transports Juno and Masquerade carrying 279 Connecticut troops ran ashore at Cayo Confites on the North coast of Cuba at the western entrance of the channel. Masquerade was refloated but Juno was lost, however the 121 men aboard her managed to get safely ashore. Hale ordered Chesterfield to rescue the stranded men but the frigate was unable to do so because of heavy seas. In order to be able to proceed without abandoning the men, Hale decided to transfer the Connecticut soldiers on the transport Falls to his flagship so that Falls could wait for the surf to subside and then pick up the shipwrecked men, allowing Hale to sail on with the rest of the convoy. After a wait of several days, Falls succeeded in its rescue and eventually made its own way to Havana.
As the convoy proceeded through the narrowest stretch of the channel tragedy struck again just before daylight on July 24 when Chesterfield and the transports Masquerade, Industry, Smiling Nancy, and Swallow all wrecked on reefs at Cayo Romano on the North coast of Cuba. It soon became apparent that all five ships would not be saved so 594 men aboard them from the 46th and Connecticut regiments and Chesterfield's marines were disembarked on two barren cays, all without casualties. The loss of five more ships made it impossible to embark the marooned men aboard the remaining eleven vessels so Hale decided to salvage everything possible from the wrecks to sustain the men until empty transports could later be sent to rescue them. That afternoon he again pressed forward to Havana with his ever-diminishing squadron.
American Provincials at the Siege of Havana
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