Contrary to propaganda from both sides, no foreign power was involved in the uprising at the outset. Although Fascist Italy had supplied a few arms to Monarchist groups and some members had undergone off icer training in Italy, there were no hordes of Communist agitators or Nazi Panzer troops. The Spanish people, the trade unions, and leftist political parties saved the Spanish Republic, not the government, which hesitated to take any action even in the face of open rebellion. And it was the Republic's own army which attacked the government.

The Navy largely stayed loyal to the Republic. Ship crews mutinied and killed their officers who were, or were thought to be, with the Insurgents. Consequently, it was difficult to bring the Army of Africa across the Straits of Gibraltar to the mainland. At this point Mola and Franco (Sanjuro was killed in a plane crash on the fourth day of the rebellion) sent to Hitler and Mussolini for assistance. Soon transport aircraft arrived, which greatly aided Franco in moving the disciplined, brave, and savage Army of Africa to Spain. These aircraft were followed by arms, other supplies, and instructors. By August 10, 1936, 9,000 men had crossed over to Spain by air and by running the inefficient Republican blockade.

The equally brave, but chaotic Loyalist units, made up partly of the remains of the old army and partly of various union and political party militias were absolutely no match for Franco's Legionnaires and Moorish mercenaries. By October, the addition of more aircraft from Italy, the concentration of the Insurgent fleet, and the disorganization and inefficiency of the Loyalist Navy gave the control of the Straits to the rebels.

Franco's Army drove north and west from Sevilla, routing the disorganized opposition. Significant victories were won at Merida, where a large force of militia was routed, and at Badajoz, which gave the Insurgents complete access to Portugal and its sympathetic clerical-fascist government. These victories of the Army of Africa were always followed by the murder of real or imagined enemies.

After the fall of Badajoz, a particularly spectacular slaughter was carried out in the bullring of the Loyalist garrison after it had surrendered. Franco's drive continued throughout September, closing on the capital at Madrid. On September 27, his forces turned aside briefly to relieve the isolated rebel garrison of Toledo, which had held out against an amateurish and badly directed siege since July. Then the seemingly invincible Army of Africa turned on their primary target, Madrid, whose capture would in all probability end the war.

In the meantime, the Insurgents in the northern part of the country had not achieved the level of success their friends in the south enjoyed. However, on September 4, they did capture Irun, thereby cutting off the Loyalist areas along the Biscay coast from overland communication with the outside world.

Nine days later, on September 13, San Sebastian fell undamaged into rebel hands. The fighting in the north was more restrained than that in the south prisoners usually were not killed. In the north, the ardently Catholic Basques fought for their autonomy against equally ardent Catholic Carlists who were fighting to keep Spain completely united.

Now it was the Republican government's turn to seek help from outside. France's Popular Front government wanted to help and started to do so, but Great Britain's Conservative government, fearing that the Spanish conflict might evolve into a European war, prevailed upon its ally to close the border with Spain and to stop selling arms. Meanwhile, U.S. isolationism was at its height, so the United States decided to follow Britain's lead.

The Republican government, legitimately elected, was entitled by international law to buy weapons to defend itself. But no democratic power would sell them arms. So Spain's government turned to the Soviet Union. Stalin responded to the appeal by agreeing to sell equipment to the Republic in exchange for prepayment in gold.

Stalin thought the Spanish conflict offered certain opportunities: he could identify himself with democratic forces, expand his influence, and perhaps thwart the establishment of a client state of Hitler and Mussolini. It seemed possible also that he might be able to rid himself of some of his enemies on the Left, the anarchists and those communists who did not accept his leadership.

The first Russian supply ship arrived on October 14. Off ices were set up through the Comintern to buy arms and other supplies in European capitals under various bogus arrangements. An International Brigade of volunteers was hastily assembled to rally worldwide support for the Republic.

But as the Nationalist army approached the capital, their rapid drive slowed to a crawl. In open country, ill-disciplined Republican troops were a minor obstacle; in the city, fighting became another matter. Repeated attacks on Madrid's suburbs brought minute gains at high costs to Franco's hard-to-replace elite troops.

By early November, the Army of Africa had fought its way into the western part of Madrid and the Republican government fled to Valencia. On November 8, Franco's forces mustered all their strength and attacked all along the front, centering the main attack on the sprawling campus of the University of Madrid. The attack went nowhere, and by the time it was called off, the last remaining cadres of the old Army of Africa had died.

Some Insurgent formations had suffered 95 percent casualties since the start of the war, and their replacements, though often dedicated, were not up to the standards of prewar personnel. A World War I-style battle of attrition developed, with the Loyalists better able to replace losses. Nationalist gains would often be lost immediately as the Republicans finally began to learn how to counterattack.

Throughout the entire winter, Franco attempted to capture, or at least cut off, Madrid-but to no avail. This defensive victory was of enormous importance, for to have lost the capital after so many other defeats in the field would probably have precipitated a collapse of Republican morale. Moreover, capturing Madrid would have brought diplomatic recognition by the Great Powers of the Franco regime and the attendant legitimization of the rebellion.

Spanish Civil War

Introduction and Background
The First Six Months
Foreign Involvement
War in the Summer of 1937
Politics and The Aragon Front
The Czech Crisis and End of War
Bibliographical Note
Who Was Who in the SCW?