'By Birth a Gentleman' Oliver Cromwell's Early Years The Short and Long Parliaments

'By Birth a Gentleman'

The Short and Long Parliaments

Edited by Jay Forster

Between 1637 and the declaration of war Cromwell was gradually more active in the increasingly turbulent political climate both on matters of injustice perpetrated by the King's proclamations and on matters of religious policy. Though some sources claim he towed the line and willingly obeyed the will of the king, it is doubtful he didn't at least support opposition to the King's ruling on certain matters, considering his strong views, and that there were at least 11 members of Parliament related to him including John Hampden and Oliver St John.

He must have at least been a supporter of opposition and his feelings would no doubt have been roused when, in 1637, the Star Chamber decreed that three gentlemen Prynne, Burton and Bastwick were to be pilloried, have their ears cut off and be placed in solitary confinement. As again for Freeborn John' Lilburne, the spokesman of the Levellers, (special feature next issue), who in spite of a noblemans status was to be whipped at the cart's tail, pilloried and gagged. When his cousin, John Hampden, was condemned in the Ship Money case he would have definitely supported his cousin, doubly so with the lives and purses of his fellow Englishmen so vulnerable to the whim of the King.

Cromwell would have been even more aggrieved by the King's religious policies. The attempt by Archbishop Laud to ensure propriety, 'the beauty of holiness', in Anglican Church services would have appeared Popish to Cromwell's puritan ideals. One of the major dividing factors turned out to be the introduction of a Common Book of Prayer. The most aggressive protests against which were made by the Scots, who, in February 1638, signed the National Covenant pledging to die rather than accept it. The King did his best to take them up on their promise - leading to the First Bishops War in 1639. To finance his crusade the King summoned Parliament for the first time in 11 years. But within 4 weeks he dissolved it again when he realised he had no support in his venture from Parliament. The Short Parliament, (April 5 - May 5 1640), debated fiercely against the King's demands for finances the most vocal being Pym who, giving 'a good oration' argued against any monetary support until, 'the liberties of the house and the Kingdom were cleared'. The King did not intend to deal with the grievances of Parliament and concentrated on crushing the Covenant. He found the Scots however, more than a match for the English army.

Summoning Parliament once more, in what was to be known as the Long Parliament on 3rd November 1640, Charles again asked for finances. Pym again voiced dissent this time however the King was in no mood for debate. Pym along with four associates, John Hampden, Sir Arthur Hesilrige, Denzil Holles and William Strode were arrested, additionally Lord Mandeville, the son of the Earl of Manchester was proscribed. In their absence Cromwell, in his new appointment as an MP for Cambridge, took the lead in pushing the Triennial Act (30 December 1640) which would ensure the King called Parliament every 3 years.

On February 1641 he gave a speech in support of Nathaniel Fiennes and Sir Henry Vane who wished to abolish Episcopacy, 'root and branch'. Cromwell's reaction to Sir John Strangeways defence that the bishops were, "one of the three estates of the kingdom and have a voice in Parliament", was violent and his opponents called for the Bar of the House to force an apology from him. Pym and Denzil Holles diffused the situation and it was let go as no-one wanted, 'to risk another outburst from this firebrand".

Friction

It was around this time that the friction with Manchester rose to the fore over their long running dispute regarding Fen drainage in May 1641. Cromwell' s famous temper flared up during the debate subjecting Mandeville to 'much indecency and rudeness'. It is covered in more detail in 'Cromwell and Cambridge'.

Cromwell's temper became notorious at the time and though he was an active spokesman in many proposals his hostility and inexperience more often than not worked against him, earning him reprimands. Many of his proposals such as protecting south-east Wales from a Catholic uprising or appointing guardians for the Prince of Wales failed to make an impression. They were all minor items however and there is no strong evidence to show he was actively at the forefront in the debate on the Grand Remonstrance or the preparation for the Nineteen Propositions. Sources differ on his involvement in the Long Parliament either he was primarily pursuing a private crusade and making a nuisance (and a fool) of himself inspite of his connections. The more likely version was that those connections gave him access to an active group of reformers who Cromwell as a fringe member spoke for and supported and they likewise for him, inspite of his mistakes. One source describes him as 'a good committee man' and that he sat on at least 18. His opinions did not go unnoticed and according to Philip Warwick, "he was very much hearkened unto".

It was matters concerning religion, however that provoked the most passion in Cromwell and now more than that any other time religion and politics were so strongly intertwined. However much the two sides were willing to co-operate on constitutional reforms neither would give any ground when it came to their religious beliefs. Later that year he took part in a debate on the Common Book of Prayer, 'ordinance against Innovations in the Worship of God' in September. Though the bill he had supported against Episcopacy was not passed on September 8 there was agreement in the house that certain changes could be made including the removal of crucifixes and 'scandalousl pictures' of the Trinity and the Virgin as well as sports and dancing banned on Sundays. He had made some progress in getting what he wanted but had not decided yet on how the Church should fit in with government. According to Philip Warwick when Cromwell was asked by two Episcopalians what system he would replace theirs with replied with the words "I can tell you, Sirs, what I would not have: though I cannot. what I would", in part a reference to the Common Book of Prayer which he despised.

Any ground gained by the King with the end of hostilities with the Scots was short lived when a rebellion began in Ireland allegedly in support of the King. Each side tried to outdo the other in their support for stopping the rebellion, Cromwell himself offered £ 500, a years wages, likely as a result of his hatred of Catholicism. Parliament were worried the King, if given control of the army would use it to enforce his will on Parliament. In part of an effort to prevent this Cromwell forwarded a motion making the Earl of Essex a commander of all militia south of Trent without the Crown's approval on November 6 1641.

Parliament again pushed for reforms, the Grand Remonstrance was their next effort, a long list of grievances against the King and his policies going back to his ascension in 1625. Cromwell's contribution to this was his favourite grievance with the Crown, the rights of the Fenlanders. When the accused asked for time to consider the charges Cromwell who according to Clarendon, "who at the time was little taken notice of", showed his naiveté by telling Falkirk the debate would be, "A very sorry one", thinking few would oppose it.

On the contrary the debate raged for fifteen hours and it was fiercely opposed especially on points regarding religion, almost leading to physical violence on one occasion. Warwick recalls the events of that tense moment:

"We had all sat in the valley of the shadow of death; for we, like Joab's and Abner's young men. had cacht at each others locks, and sheathed our swords in each others bowels, had not the sagacity and great calmness of Mr. Hampden by a short speech prevented it

Mostly because Pym had "provided that not a man of their party was absent", of the 552 members of the Long Parliament 245 were absent and The Remonstrance was passed by I I votes (159 to 148). The divide between King and Parliament widened.

The Royalist, Anglican faction were not prepared to put up with much more from Parliament and the religious constraints of the Grand Remonstrance. On January 4th, 1642 Charles led 400 armed men to arrest the Five Members yet again. They had been given warning of this however and Charles, upon walking into the House of Commons, leaving the doors open so the assembled could see his troops stated, "All my birds have flown." This action, labeled seditious by parliament ended in failure and the King left for York on January 10.

Defence of the Kingdom

Cromwell was quick to realize the inevitability of war and forwarded a motion on January 14 for a committee to be formed to consider defence of the kingdom. On the 17th Parliament declared the attempted arrest as 'seditious' and as good as declared themselves the overall rulers of the Kingdom and zealously began to enforce it's authority. Cromwell and his brotherin-law Valentine Walton testified against a Mr Ravenscroft, a J P, for his "dangerous words".

"it had been witnessed against him under a minister's hand that he had said that if the King and Parliament should differ, the most of the gentry would be for the King, and that he had 1000 to assist him".

On February 2 Cromwell moved that a book by Sir Edward Dering, who had voted against the Grand Remonstrance and the abolition of the Bishops, entitled "A collection of Speeches in the Matter of Religion' should be burnt by the sheriffs of London and Middlesex. Parliament, now intolerant of criticism agreed. This was not enough for Cromwell who wanted every copy hunted down and destroyed. His eagerness was due in part to an accusation contained in it linking his name to the Root and Branch Bill.

Cromwell was again active in outing supporters of the king. An Irish Colonel. Francis Edmunds was accused of 'dangerous words' as Valentine Wilson had been previously. Edmunds had stated that he wished the King would "raise his standard and maintain his prerogative by force of arms, and that if he knew where Pym. Hampden and Strode were, he would case the King of further trouble from them".

The 300 members of commons and 30 of the Lords raised the finance to fight a war under the pretence of relieving Ireland, Cromwell himself providing £ 2000 and actively raising a force from his constituency the majority of whom being Fenlanders whose loyalty he had earned previously.

It became painfully clear to both sides that the armies they were raising were going to be used on each other rather than the Irish but they both kept up a pretence of peace hoping to provoke the other to move first and appear as the party responsible for war.

In March the Militia Bill allowing Parliament control over all the military was unsurprisingly not approved by Charles so Parliament issued it as an ordinance, claiming for it the full forces of law. Parliament confirmed once and for all their intentions and in an attempt to stall them Charles proclaimed, on May 27 any muster of trained bands or militia was forbidden. Parliament's reply was the Nineteen Propositions which transferred the power to appoint ministers, councilors and judges as well as the control of the military on land and sea and foreign and religious matters. While both sides were vying for political superiority action was being taken for military superiority as well, with armed clashes to secure the magazines at Leicester, Manchester and Hull. Cromwell too played his part in this supplying his supporters in the Cambridge militia with u100 worth of arms with which they fired shots through the windows of the Royalist colleges of the university. He took a more active participation just a short while after in August, when, in his first command as a Captain of horse, he led a force to secure the college plate from the Royalist force led by Captain James Dowcra . The King could not tolerate the situation any longer and on August 22 raised his standard at Nottingham.

The Civil War had begun.

'By Birth a Gentleman'

The Short and Long Parliaments

Further Reading