Signs, Symbols, and Presidential Semiotics
by Frank J. Stech, Lt. Col. U.S. Army Reserve
Leaders seek compelling signs and engaging
symbols to tell the public the stories behind their policies
and actions; they practice the "semiotic" creation of
reality.[40]
Signs are composed of sounds and images,
and the concepts these images represent. Images of
things (e.g., a carefree Mickey Mouse) become the signs
of something else (life in free societies), and serve as
"combat graphics" on the campaign maps of CNN war.
Presidents have long used audience involvement,
cultural symbols, and images to their advantage in telling
their stories.
During World War II President Roosevelt
communicated the course of the fighting to the nation
over the national radio networks during his "fireside
chats." He suggested that listeners buy maps in order to
follow along with him the paths of the advancing Allied
forces, and he referred them to the images in newsreels,
Life, Saturday Evening Post, Time, and the other media
of the day. Besides stoking the already voracious
appetites for news of the war, his suggestions generated
a national flurry of map-buying, a significant increase in
the geographic sophistication of the nation, and a
personal feeling of involvement in the course of the
war.[41]
Roosevelt was adept at weaving semiographic signs from mass culture into his persuasive political Weltanschauung. For example, when Colonel Jimmy Doolittle flew Army bombers off Navy aircraft carriers against Tokyo, Roosevelt whimsically preserved security and added to the propaganda effect by identifying the aviators' base as "Shangri-La," referring to the mythical locale in a popular novel and movie.[42]
Roosevelt also capitalized on the timely appearance of the film Casablanca to reinforce his policies toward Vichy
France and the Free French, celebrate the North African landings as a victory, anchor public commitment to the war, and boost his own stature.[43]
The Gulf War duel between Saddam Hussein's Scud ballistic missiles and President Bush's Patriot missiles created an interactive dialogue of images, which fitted precisely the credible news frame. First the dramatic initial panic: did the Scuds carry chemical warheads?[44]
Then the diplomatic crisis: would Israel retaliate and split Bush's fragile, carefully crafted Gulf
coalition?[45] "Saddam . . . had started a war of imagery: the gas masks, the rubble, the frantic reporters," a history of the war summarized, and "the coalition countered with its own captivating imagery: the Patriot in action." [46]
The world watched the TV debut of the "bullet that hits a bullet."[47] One after another of Iraq's vaunted
Scuds were visibly destroyed by the spectacular Patriot interceptors: coalition high-tech dominating Saddam's
crude terror weapon. President Bush, televised at the Raytheon Patriot factory, claimed 41 out of 42 Patriots
hit their targets. The Patriots helped keep the Israeli war machine out of the Gulf War, and thus the coalition held
together. Only a handful of Arab nations expressed any support for Iraq's Scud campaign; most condemned
Saddam's attacks on his Saudi brothers. Saddam lost the dialogue of images.[48] The political and psychological
consequences of images of Patriot and Scud dueling in the desert night skies provide a classic example of
presidential semiotics and operational art in CNN war.[49]
The use of images, cultural symbols, even fantasies (for example, myths about the founding
fathers, or films about historic events) to create or reinforce the realities that they signify has strong
psychological roots as well as significant political efficacy.[50]
These shorthand signifiers help us understand and conceptualize what might otherwise
seem chaotic. French President Mitterrand, filmed walking through the rubble of besieged Sarajevo, helped his countrymen understand why France supplied most of Bosnia's UN peacekeepers. The heavily watched 1994 Winter Olympics TV coverage contrasted scenes of Olympic- village-pristine Sarajevo in 1984 with contemporary scenes of war-ravaged Sarejevo's mangled bodies and buildings; viewers saw Sarejevo's weary civilians watching themselves watching the televised contrasts. These compelling images reinforced the shock effect of scenes of the marketplace casualties of a Serbian mortar attack; they could have helped coalesce US support for tougher NATO and UN policies toward the Bosnian Serbs.
In the era of CNN wars, leaders and the public play out political fantasies on a stage of televised realities. Late-breaking video news sustains our involvement and opportunities to interact with the images (if only vicariously) and thus maintains our participation. We decide our loyalties and commitments against image backdrops of ongoing events: testimony of Iraqi soldiers stealing incubators and leaving Kuwaiti babies to die, Patriot missiles destroying Scuds, Yeltsin atop a Soviet tank, dead Ranger heroes being desecrated. We can fancy ourselves in our own TV versions of Casablanca, living amidst wars, coups, and revolutions, and we decide to support (or not) real heroes, causes, and sides.
To use the dialogue of images in the operations of future CNN wars, then, is to lead with image-filled stories, shaped around the TV scenes we all see--to provide compelling pictures formed with persuasive signs and symbols.
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