A short study into campaign kit, camp followers and discipline in Wellington's Army, as seen from the reminiscences of Peninsular veterans.

The Duke of Wellington, although he was pre-occupied with the endless supply problems faced by his Anglo-Portuguese army, was not unduly critical of the uniforms worn by his officers and other ranks. He did have a preference for the older style Tarleton cavalry helmet and the stovepipe shako because they were easily d1stinguishable from those worn by the French. When Wellington heard of plans to introduce new patterns of uniform and headgear for the Army, he wrote giving his opinions on the subject.

"I think it indifferent how a soldier is clothed, provided it is in a uniform manner ... But there is one thing I deprecate, and that is any imitation of the French in any manner."

He clarified his opinion by describing how a cavalry picquet of the 11th Light Dragoons were taken prisoner by French Chasseurs a Cheval in June 1811. Wellington admitted that he narrowly escaped an enemy cavalry patrol on the 25th September 1811 by m1stakenly identifying the approaching horsemen as German Hussars. The 3rd G.L. Hussars wore a similar style shako to the French.

Wellington stressed that instant recognition of his troops was his main concern on how the army was uniformed.

"At a d1stance," wrote Wellington, "or in action, colours are nothing; the profile, and shape of a man's cap, and his general appearance are what guides us; and why should we make our people look like the French? ... there is no such mark as the English helmet and . . . it is the best cover a dragoon can have for his head ... I only beg that we may be different from the French in everything. The narrow top caps of our infantry, as opposed to their broad top caps, are a great advantage to those who look at long lines of posts opposed to each other."2

Tomkinson of the 16th Light Dragoons recorded in his diary 17.9.1810,

"We have received our new helmets from England, and not before they were wanted. The old ones were completely worn out, and so warped by the sun that the men could scarcely wear them. They are bad things for a soldier, only looking well for a few months; the first rain puts them out of shape. All the silver to the edging comes off with both men and officers, and the sooner we adopt some other head­dress the better."3

Grattan of the 88th recalled that Wellington was not a stickler for uniform regulations,

"Provided we brought our men into the field well appointed, and with sixty rounds of good ammunition each, he never looked to see whether their trousers were black, blue or grey ... scarcely any two officers were dressed alike. Some with grey braided coats, others with brown; some again liked blue; while many from choice, or perhaps necessity, stuck to the 'old red rag. 1114

Officers and other ranks both suffered as their uniforms deteriorated during campaigns. Private Wheeler of the 51st penned the following in a letter 30th January 1812,

"Our clothes worn thin and wrecked by the fatigues of the former Campaign. It was difficult to tell to what regiment we belonged, for each man's coat was like Joseph's 'a coat of many colours.'5

A young subaltern going out to join his regiment on active service was expected to provide himself, at his own expense, with those necessary items and comforts to make life tolerable.

Lt. Gleig of the 85th recalled packing his kit prior to embarkation for Spain in 1813. So comprehensive was his kit that,

"I carried with me quite enough to load a mule, and to ensure myself against the danger of falling short, for at least a couple of years to come. "6

The contents of portmanteau one were:- A regimental jacket, with wings, lace etc. 2 pairs grey trousers. Several wa1st coats (white, coloured and flannel). A few changes of flannel drawers, 6 pairs of worsted stockings, 6 pairs of cotton stockings.

The contents of portmanteau two were:- 6 shirts, 2 or 3 cravats, a dressing-case, one undress pelisse, 3 pairs boots, 2 pairs shoes, nightcaps, pocket handkerchiefs etc.

Additionally, a boatcloak and a canteen filled with tea, sugar and other luxuries. Capt. Dickson of the Royal Artillery took with him baggage comprising I trunk, I cot and bedding, and I packing case. General Howorth's baggage cons1sted of 1 trunk, a chest and 3 packing cases carried in two carts. A year later, 1810, Dickson's baggage was considerably larger as follows: 1 large chest, 1 bag with papers and orderly books, 2 portmanteaus, 1 box with papers, 1 carpet bag with liquor canteens, 1 sword, 2 canteen baskets, 1 cot and bedding, 1 tent with poles, 2 camp kettles, 1 cheese in a bag.

Many officers modified their campaign kit in the light of experience. It is worth comparing the kit carried by Blakeney of the 28th when he landed in Portugal in August 1808. As a junior officer he had to carry his own kit at first. He recounted that,

"We all overloaded ourselves, carrying a boat-cloak, in itself heavy, in which was rolled a partial change of dress. Our haversacks contained, as did the men's, three day's provisions, to which was added an extra pair of boots or shoes; and every gentleman carried a stout charge of rum on service ... Each young warrior too hampered himself with a case of p1stols and a liberal quantity of ball cartridge, and generally a heavy spyglass." 8

The men carried full packs, three days rations and a full sixty rounds of ball cartridge. Rifleman Harris recollected carrying a weight "sufficient to impede the free motions of a donkey."9

Blakeney recalled with relief that soon after the campaign's commencement, 'a light cart was allowed to each regiment for the convenience of officers.'

Rank had its privileges with officers providing themselves with means of transport for themselves and their kit. The common soldier had to carry his pack and musket. Private Wheeler mentioned in a letter April 1811 that on the march from Lisbon he carried, "seven days Biscuit, five day meat and two days wine. 'Each man's kit cons1sted of one blanket, one watchcoat, two shirts, two pairs stockings and two pair boots, one pair of soles and heels, besides all the other little etcetras, necessary to make up the soldiers kit. Sixty rounds of ball cartridge in the pouch; all this was load enough for a donkey." 10

As the 23rd Fusiliers prepared to march to the lines of Torres Vedras in November 1810, Lt. Browne noted in his journal that the Regiment was equipped with camp kettles and the Officers,

"purchased mules to carry their baggage, and provided themselves with canteens, containing a few knives and forks, spoons and plates, with a drinking tin or two." I I

Officers in the cavalry regiments also assembled extensive baggage. Two diar1sts of the 16th Light Dragoons have left details of well thought out kit adequate for the rigors of active service. Tompkinson recommended baggage as follows (September 1813),

"The whole of the baggage to be carried on two mules, each of which being good will march constantly with 300 pound. One of the mules to carry a trunk for clothes, which is to be balanced by a canteen.

The second mule to carry two baskets, or one, which must be balanced with a tent and bed - English pack saddles to be made to keep well off the backbone. The canteen to be very complete should dine six people."12

Tompkinson outlined a most comprehensive canteen and remarked it evolved in the light of first hand experience concluding that

"the more an officer makes himself comfortable, the better will he do his duty, as well as secure his own health, and the comfort of those belonging to him."13

Captain the Hon. E.C. Cocks, also of the 16th Light Dragoons soon saw the need of adding to his kit. He wrote to his brother requesting the following items to be sent out to him,

"a writing case of Russia leather, strong with a good lock and stored with paper, six black lead pencils ... A two foot portable military telescope by Dolland. A pocket compass by Dolland. Stockdale's largest map of Spain and Portugal done on canvas and folding in a case. . . " 14

As a cavalry officer Cocks was often ordered to carry out reconnaissance duties. He was an able officer who modified his Kit in the light of experience at the outposts. In 1810 he wrote requesting replacement items for that damaged on campaign;

"a new hussar saddle with accoutrements complete ... a new helmet. I wish it to be very light and very low ... a new sabre and belt ... four pairs of new hussar boots, three pairs of laced half boots with spurs to them all." 15

The duties undertaken by the light cavalry on the line of the River Agueda during 1810 were particularly arduous. It is no wonder that Cocks needed to replace the worn out equipment at his own cost. His letter contained recommendations about sa dlery and sabres based on field service conditions.

"I wish the pads for the valises to be very large and fixed to the saddle. The saddle to be strong, roomy and extremely high in the withers ... remember that a saddle for service must (be) ... strong and calculated to save in every respect the horse's back and withers." 16

As to the sabre Cocks advised, "it should be roomy in the handle and not too heavy at the point ... have it proved. It should not be too broad at the point."

Cocks had commanded his squadron in many skirmishes against the skillful French Dragoons and Chasseurs and led a spirited charge so he was able at first hand to notice defects in cavalry equipment. Horse care was not a strong point in many cavalry regiments during the Peninsular war except in the Hussars of the King's German Legion. As Cocks served closely with the K.G.L. Hussars he was able to assimilate much of their better practice in relation to outpost duties and horse care. Cocks was an intelligent officer who gave thought"as to ways of improving the skills of his squadron whilst actively engaged on campaign". Such thinking officers were rare in Wellington's cavalry regiments.

Officers and the rank and file did not receive and could not expect to receive a steady resupply of uniforms during the various Peninsular campaigns. The d1stance from the main base at Lisbon to the combat area was considerable and the transport arrangements were fully stretched coping with moving the military essentials, namely rations and ammunition.

Many diar1sts have remarked on the state of the army regarding uniform or rather lack of uniform at various stages of the war. At the outset, it was quite necessary for an adequate supply of clothing to be packed at Lt. Simmons of the 95th discovered,

"The only thing I at present want is a supply of clothes. The lying out at night in the fields for months together soon puts your raiment in disorder. I am nearly in rags." 17

Simmons ruefully sent the following lines in a letter home to his father,

"This day I marched four leagues under a continuous torrent of rain. I am now under tolerable shelter, sitting drying my trousers over a fire of wood upon the ground, and am in a very ill-humour, having burnt the leather which encircles the bottoms."18

Obtaining replacement clothing proved difficult. Very often Officers and other ranks would supplement their wardrobe with articles taken from the French. Simmons finding this means useful in May 1811,

"My jacket is brown instead of green. Never was seen such a motley group of fellows. I luckily got some French shirts and other articles, or I should be nearly naked." 19

The men also utilised captured stock when the opportunity presented itself as Simmons again noted,

"The men looked about and found several knapsacks; they emptied them at the fireside to see their contents and added to their own kit, shoes and shirts of better quality than their own".20

Often references to campaign dress are found in accounts of retreats after a hard fought campaign or as the army moved into winter cantonments. Corunna and Burgos prove good illustrations. Lt, Blakeney, 28th Foot, detailed the appearance of his company during the retreat to Corunna 1809,

"Gray trousers, blue trousers, and white breeches were promiscously seen. Some wore black shoes, some white; and many there who wore shoes of both colours."21

His company, being the light company of his regiment, covered the rearguard on this retreat. They had the advantage of being able to take supplies from the abandoned carts at Nogales. Blakeney added that "the variety of dress affected neither the resolution nor discipline of the reserve,"

Then the Connaught Rangers (88th Foot) participated in the retreat from Burgos, they looked ragged. The infantrymen were, as Grattan wrote,

"obliged to remain in their tattered uniforms, worn to rags after two years' service, scarcely a good pair of shoes or trousers on any, and the greater part without the former. "22

Within Grattan's memoirs is a description of how the 88th looked as they prepared to storm Badajoz,

"the soldiers, unencumbered with their knapsacks - their stocks off -their shirt-collars unbuttoned - their trousers tucked up to the knee -their tattered jackets, so worn out as to render the regiment they belonged to barely recognisable."23

The statement made by Grattan about his regiment at Badajoz is important because it shows how the stormers were permitted to make themselves comfortable by removing anything that might hinder easy movement. Note how the men were allowed to remove the restrictive black leather stock worn around the neck and more importantly, leave the heavy pack behind in camp. The patched up and faded jackets were in such a state of disrepair that the regimental facing colours worn on collars, cuffs and turnbacks were not discernable at a d1stance. The 88th were d1stinguished by yellow facing colours.

On the retreat from Burgos, Grattan's own condition was not significantly better than his company, as he recalled,

"I was in rags. I wore a frock coat, made out of a dress belonging to a priest - that was captured by my man Dan Carsons at Badajoz ... it was the worst description of clothing 1, could have pitched on ... by the time I had undergone three marches, it was reduced to a spencer' My feet never quitted the shoes ... if I once got my feet out of them, I knew right well it would take some days to get them back again, they were so swollen . "24

Whatever the condition of the soldiers, Grattan proudly stated "The 88th was a regiment whose spirit it was scarcely possible to break." Many of the officers and men finished the arduous retreat minus their boots and shoes.

Another officer who recalled the difficulty experienced in maintaining a standard dress was Kincaid of the Rifles,

"The jacket, in spite of shreds and patches always maintained something of the original about it, but woe befell the regimental small clothes, and they could only be replaced by very extraordinary apologies, of which I remember I had two pair at this period, one of a common brown Portuguese cloth, and the other or Sunday's pair of black velvet. "25

Highland regiments also suffered in trying to keep up military appearance. Quartermaster Sergeant Anton of the Black Watch noted in 1814 that,

"the clothing of the 91st regiment had been two years in wear; the men were thus under the necessity of repairing their old garments in the best manner they could; some had the elbows of the coats mended with gray cloth, others had the one half of the sleeve of a different colour from the body; and their trousers were in equally as bad a condition as their coats."26

The only regiment in the Highland Brigade to wear the kilt was the 42nd. Anton stated that,

"the 42nd, wore the kilt, was beginning to lose it by degrees; men falling sick and left in the rear frequently got the kilt made into trousers, and on joining the regiment again no plaid could be furnished to supply the loss, thus a great want of uniformity prevailed, but this was of minor importance when compared to the want of shoes.27

Soldiers of the 42nd cut up the raw hides of bullocks to make "buskins." These served as a substitute for shoes.

Even as late as 1814 the army cut a threadbare appearance. A young subaltern of the 43rd was to write of his regiment after receiving an issue of new uniforms,

"Our clothing was old, and almost the whole of the men wore blanket trousers. The French expressed much wonder at seeing the troops of the richest nation in the world so threadbare and poorly clad. "28

It seemed that the men stored their new uniforms in their Knapsacks until required. Evidently the issue of new clothing was such a rarity that its occurrence rated a few remarks in the journals of the subalterns. It was only when the ports in Northern Spain were secured for use by Wellington's Army and the supply line shortened that the men received new uniforms in quantity.

An officer on the Adjutant General's Staff, Lt. Browne (23rd Fusiliers) described the resupply of the Army in 1814 when clothing had arrived from England in sufficient quantity to make this possible. The arrival of new clothing coincided with the Army moving into winter quarters. Browne wrote, "The troops were in houses, and the great work of shoe making and mending and repairing clothes began,"

"Grey watch-coats that were so worn out, and in holes, were cut up to mend red coats. The Army was in terrible plight for want of clothing, and the men had every colour on their backs, that would have done Harlequin credit."29

There is little doubt that the issue of new uniforms boosted the army's morale as it regained its strength for the coming invasion of France. As Browne observed,

"Regiments were allowed to come down from the lines to Jean de Luz ... Caps, Jackets, Trousers, everything old, was thrown away, and the Army soon appeared as gay as it had ever done. The men became comfortable and warm, and the quantity and quality of the vermin, they thus got rid of, was sufficient, as they themselves owned, to cause their becoming fat and plump in a very short time. "30

The refitting rest and recreation certainly improved the health of the army.

Notes

1. Uniforms of the Peninsular War p.20
2. Wellington's War p. 177
3. Tompkinson p.40
4. Grattan p.50
5. Teeter p.74
6. Gleig p.3
7. Dickson p.5 and 156
8. Blakeney p. 19
9. Harris p. 13
10. Wheeler p.51
11. Browne p. 132
12. Tompkinson p. 329
13. Tompkinson p.330
14. Cocks p.39
15. Cocks p.95
16. Cocs p.95
17. Simmons p.51
18. Simons p.60
19. Simmons p. 184
20. Simmons p. 145
21. Blakeney p.85
22. Grattan p.293
23. Grattan p. 197
24. Grattan p.309
25. Kincaid p. 18
26. Anton p. 121
27. Anton p. 121
28. Cooke Vol. 2 p.96
29. Browne p.255
30. Browne p.255

Aspects of Campaign Life

Part 1: Uniforms [AoN13]
Part 2: Campaign Kit and Camp Followers [AoN14]
Part 3: Discipline [AoN15]