The Peace of Pressburg was not an end to Austria's problems on her southern borders. The Serb revolt continued to rage -- desertions increased and arms continued to be smuggled across the frontier.

Left - Post 1807 Regulation uniform with Croation cloak (white belts incorrect). Right - 1798 Feldmontur with 1806 shako.

Karageorges, who was once again gaining the upper hand, often appealed for help, but Austria would only help fleeing refugees, provided they crossed the border unarmed. (Sounds familiar?)

Continued economic problems, the heavy drain on manpower for the field battalions and Austria's failure to aid the Serbs were severely straining the traditional loyalty of the Grenzer.

The peace treaty only made matters worse -- under it, France had gained the Venetian territories given to Austria in 1797, and now obtained the use of the Military Road across western Croatia to connect Dalmatia to Italy. Persistent fears about the spread of revolutionary thought were heightened with the return of POWs from France.

Napoleon's successes against Russia over the 1806-7 winter encouraged the Turks to declare war on the Tsar in December 1806 - but that presented the Russians with the excuse to aid the Serbs openly. Rumours abounded of Serbs encouraging Grenzer to desert, especially from the disaffected and largely Serb Slavonian District. In April 1807, Archduke Louis, still Grenz-Director, reported, "a most dangerous disposition among the (Orthodox)". [30]

Charles, now Generalissimus, with a more independent Hofkriegsrat still under his direction, speedily completed the work on the Grenz reforms, interrupted by the 1805 war. On 7th August 1807, the Emperor signed the 'Basic Law for the Karlstadt, Warasdin, Banal, Slavonian and Banat Military Frontier' - the so-called ,regulated Grenz' and hence the Code did not apply to Siebenburgen. Based on the first regulations of 1754, in 7 chapters, it covered everything from rights of land tenure to military obligations, confirming the Zadruga as the basis of the system and the enrolled/supernumerary division of available peasants. [31]

Louis added more specific regulations and the Code came into force on 1st May 1808. Charles was not however averse to combining tough measures with reform - local officers were ordered to suppress pro-Serb agitation and strictly control cross-border

As in many other ways, Charles' opponents criticised his efforts. FML (LtField Marshal) Hiller, commander of the Croatian General Command, (Karlstadt and Warasdin), claimed the Code did not address the socio-economic problems of his men, who held the worst land on the Grenz. In this he was probably right worsening economic conditions and the continued refusal to help the Serbs led to a revolt amongst the Wallach-Illyrian battalions in June 1808, which seriously alarmed the central government in Vienna. Charles urged severe punishment on these troops, but Emperor Franz I just ordered a further enquiry into conditions in the Grenz. [32]

Charles was more successful with his military reforms in the Grenz, carried out as part of his great army reforms of 1806-9. The field strength of the regiments was now set at 2,980 -- 2 field battalions of 6 companies each, artillery, sharpshooters and 228 administrative staff; plus the Seressaner for the Karlstadt and Banal units. Each regiment was to have a reserve battalion of 1473 men in 6 companies. Siebenburgen units were slightly smaller, so that the nominal strength was in total 71,800 plus 1700 Tschaikisten in 6 companies (Only 5 in fact) with 1 reserve, and the Szeckler Hussars, numbering 1478 men in 6 squadrons with 1 reserve. The reality was that only about 43,000 infantry were available for field service. [33]

Only the Landes-Defensions Divisions were left to guard the Grenz and even some of these had to be pressed into field service in Dalmatia in 1809.

New drill regulations were introduced into the army in September 1807, with a modified version authorised for the Grenzer in May 1808. Although they were no radical overhaul, being based on the Line regulations, it is clear that Charles was trying to return the Frontier troops to a more light role, whilst retaining the better facets of formal drill. The new 'Exercierreglement fuer die k.k. Grenzinfanterie' abolished all drill, which demanded too much time to practise. Later, a volume called 'Instruction for Skirmishers' appeared, but didn't introduce any radical innovations. [34]

In the 1809 campaign, Grenz units were usually employed as advance-guard troops and deployed in open order as light troops, while still being able to form and fight like the Line units. Meanwhile, the international situation had steadily deteriorated. Between 1806 and 1809, there were widespread revolts among Turkey's Balkan subjects and Turkey itself became unstable. Reverses against the Russians and internal problems led conservative elements to depose the reforming Sultan, Selim III in May 1807 -- his successor lasted a year before he was deposed.

In southern Dalmatia, Austria had problems with Cattaro, which was supposed to be handed to France under the 1805 treaty. However, probably as a result of local pressure or a bribe, the Governor surrendered this strategically important harbour to a nearby Russian naval squadron. Napoleon blamed the Austrians and delayed the French withdrawl from Austrian territory. To compensate for the loss of the port, Napoleon seized the nearby city-state of Ragusa and retained it even after the Russians ceded Cattaro to the French under the July 1807 Treaty of Tilsit.

With French troops in Dalmatia and the Russians moving across modern- day Romania towards Serbia, a plan to partition the Ottoman empire began to take shape. Austria was to have only a small role, but did nothing to encourage the idea as fears were much greater about being outflanked to the south and, even worse, dissension amongst the Emperor's Slavic peoples. The Serbs continued to make progress in their revolt and in early 1808, under these mounting pressures, Charles ordered FML Simbchen to open negotiations with Karageorges - above all to reduce Russian influence in the struggle. His secret instructions were to prepare to seize Belgrade with 1st Banal troops and some regular cavalry. Aware of the Austrians' difficulties, Karageorges was more demanding this time - requiring supplies and a guarantee of a separate Serb identity in the Grenz. Simbchen's room to negotiate had been severely limited by Vienna and progress was slow, When Russia got wind of the plan around the time of the Wallach-Illyrian battalions' June 1808 mutiny, a nervous Austria backed out.

Imperial worries about Serb nationalism were only exacerbated by the proclamation of Karageorges as 'Hereditary Prince of All the Serbs" by the Serbian popular assembly in December 1808, the modern root of the concept of 'Greater Serbia' being all the lands where Serbs lived. Later,in August 1809, Karageorges would seek aid from Napoleon with the promise that Serbs everywhere would rally to the French eagle. [34]

Fortunately for Austria, troop requirements in the Peninsular forced the French to withdraw large numbers of men from Dalmatia and Napoleon's Balkan schemes were quietly forgotten, but the moral of the tale should sound a note of caution amongst politicians involved in dealing with the Serbs.

Notes