by Anthony H. Cordesman
Compensating For Diminished Technology as Well as Smaller Forces Technology is not, however, a panacea and is experiencing at least as many resource problems as the U.S. force structure. As Tables 1 and 2 show, the United States faces a period of massive force cuts and declining resources. Under the Base Force Concept announced in August 1990, the United States will cut its active division strength by at least 33 percent and its active Air Force fighter wings by 38 percent. The United States will also make major cuts in its military manpower, all aspects of its force structure, its basing and logistic capabilities, and many aspects of readiness and sustainability. These force cuts will probably be sharply accelerated once ihe Congress finishes debating President Bush's FY 93-97 budget requests. Force cuts, however, are only part of the story. During FY 93-97, deployed technology will be cut much more rapidly than forces. The Bush budget request, issued in January 1992, calls for major cuts in defense investment-research, development, procurement, and spares. It tries to preserve the same force structure and readiness as the FY 92 budget, but cuts $63.8 billion out of the FY 92-97 program, virtually all of it from procurement. The impact this cut in defense investment will have in reducing the amount of technology deployed in the force structure is hard to estimate, but it is scarcely the beginning of a downward trend. A recent estimate by the Congressional Budget Office shows that defense investment has already dropped from a peak of over $170 billion in FY 85, in constant FY 92 dollars, to below $100 billion.
It was, planned to drop to around $100 billion by FY97, under the Bush Administration budget request for FY 92. It could well drop to $70-$80 billion under the plans now being advocated in the U.S. Congress. [1]
Military capabilities, however, are not measured by
investment in RDT&E, but rather by investment in
procurement--the equipment and munitions actually deployed
with U.S. forces. The Bush Administration has recently put a
heavy emphasis on developing systems only to the point
where they are production ready, but not funding procurement
pending some major change in the threat. As a result,
procurement will drop drastically even if the Congress fully
funds the Bush FY 93 budget request. While research and
development will increase during 1990-93, from $36.5 billion
to $38.8 billion in current dollars, procurement will drop from
$81.4 billion to $54.4 billion. The supporting text of the Bush
request indicates these trends will continue at least through FY
95, which would bring procurement down to half of its FY 90
level in current dollars. Its value in constant dollars would be
roughly one-third of the FY 90 level. [2]
Even $35-$45 billion for procurement in constant dollars is
still a considerable sum, and total defense investment will still
approach the level of defense investment in constant dollars that
the United States made in 1980, at the start of the Reagan buildup.
These cuts do, however, mean a cumulative cut in defense
investment of $105-$198 billion during FY 93-97, when compared with the level spent in FY 92.
[3]
Another way of looking at the issue is program
terminations. During FY 91 and FY 92, the United States terminated
over 100 weapons programs, including major tactical programs like
the Apache helicopter, M-1 tank, F-14D, F-15, F-15E, F-16, A-12,
and ATA aircraft. As of the FY 93 budget, it will terminate Army
programs like the ADATS air defense system, and TOW sight
improvement program. It will develop programs like the Comanche
RAH-66, and stretch out the Block III tank and LOSAT (line of sight
antitank) missile beyond the 1990s. It will terminate Air Force
programs like the HARM and AAAM missiles; and Navy programs
like the LMAP H landing craft, SQY-1 ASW combat system, vertical
launch ASROC. E-2C, and LSD-41 amphibious ship, and probably
develop the A-X only to the productibility stage.
[4]
These cuts in investment and procurement spending, and
termination plans, also understate many aspects of the problem
the United States faces. U.S. force and procurement plans do not
exist in a vacuum. They take years to shape and have massive
momentum in terms of major procurement programs. The current
programs for defense technology have often been shaped by
decisions made under the Reagan Administration. The last Reagan
budget in FY 89, called for an average real increase in defense
spending of 1.2 percent per year through FY 94, and would have
produced a defense budget of over $330 billion in FY 94. The Bush
budgets submitted for FY 91 called for average cuts in real
defense spending of 2 percent per year, and total defense
spending of about $280 billion in FY 94. The Bush budget
submitted for FY 92 came after an 11.9 percent real cut in defense
spending during FY 91, and called for average cuts of 3 percent
per year. It would produce an FY 94 budget of about $260 billion.
[5]
The United States conducted OPERATION DESERT
STORM under conditions where it was able to draw down on
nearly 40 years of investment in the capability to fight a very
different war, and still had the equipment and stocks purchased
under the Reagan defense buildup. It is now, however, operating in
a climate where it has expended much of its "capital" in DESERT
STORM, has already experienced 7 straight years of cuts in real
defense spending, and has a procurement program where most
large scale procurement programs were shaped at a time when
real defense investment was expected to be near 50-100 percent
larger than it is likely to be under the coming FYDP.
More than forces are being downsized. In fact, it is
questionable whether the levels of investment currently being
projected can actually be achieved. They depend, among other
things, on the United States having no major combat operations
during the next 5 years or a one-for-one increase in its defense
budget for all changes to the program. They also depend on
Congress smoothly executing major cuts in manpower and the
reserves, although Congress refused to do this in shaping the FY92
defense budget. These problems could easily cut defense investment
by another $20-$30 billion over the next 5 years.
More arguably, the competition among programs,
branches, and services for diminished resources has also
mortgaged defense technology and procurement by
institutionalizing a "liar's contest" syndrome into many programs.
Survival in an era of defense cuts often depends on exaggerating
performance, sharply underestimating costs, promising early
delivery, and minimizing technical risk and growth. No one can
adequately factor the "liar's contest" problem into a quantitative
estimate of the additional problems in using defense technology to
offset force reductions, but every aircraft program currently in
development, or canceled during the last 3 years, has already
illustrated the seriousness of the situation.
These difficulties have been further compounded by the
tendency to fight for individual weapons or procurement programs,
or branch or service R&D and procurement efforts, in isolation
from any assessment of how overall resource problems affect
overall requirements. The tendency to defend "my toy," "my
magic bullet," and "my shopping list" is a natural one, and
necessary if programs are to have strong managers and
advocates. It often, however, makes funding and program survival
a matter of chance, rather than necessity.
Compesating for Smaller Forces Continued
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