Neil Thomas Returns

In Defense of Tito

By Neil Thomas

Gamers tend to be dedicated followers of fashion. In 1980, the fashion in question happened to be for World War Two games with hex grids, complicated rules, lots of panzer divisions (preferably of the SS variety), and where the Germans had either a good chance of winning, or at the very least of inflicting a bloody nose in a heroic battle against the odds.

Which was where Tito came in. Here was a game with area movement, of moderate complexity, minimal panzer participation, and where the Germans got hammered (by Communists at that!). As a natural consequence, the game sank without trace since many players (including the then 14 year old writer of this piece) wondered what on earth was going on.

However. in my case the game was gone but not entirely forgotten. On playing it again nine years ago I discovered a system of intriguing depth but remarkable simplicity, which simulates a guerilla war involving many political factions with some effectiveness. Indeed, the casual observer may regard the topic as essentially ungameable, given the constituent elements of the Yugoslav cauldron.

Consider all that goes into the equation on the Axis side:

    1) The Germans. Ever present. but wanting to avoid heavy commitment.
    2) The Italians. Lots of them, but they surrender half way through the game.
    3) The Bulgarians. Change sides towards the end.
    4) The Croats. Militarily weak, but murderous repressors of Communists and Serb monarchists. Hmm.

As if that was not enough, the good guys have their own problems:

    1) The Partisans. The anti-Fascist forces start very weak, but grow throughout the game if Tito himself can coordinate recruiting early on.

    2) The Chetniks. These Serb monarchists start off relatively strong, but their tendency to fight Communism as well as Fascism meant that they lost Western military aid later in the war, and imploded as a result.

    3) The Soviets. Very strong militarily, but their presence is not welcome from the political viewpoint, given Tito's desire for independence from Stalin.

Game designer Dick Rustin presumably enjoyed a challenge. He did however rise to the occasion quite magnificently with a staggeringly original game years ahead of its time (or too clever for its own good, if you are of a cynical disposition).

Firstly, the (admittedly garish) map. This is divided into zones, each of which has a potential for a guerilla uprising if not garrisoned by a finite number of Axis divisions. Unfortunately for the Axis, they cannot cover everywhere without risking an uprising somewhere, resulting in a trickle of Partisan or Chetnik recruits (some zones are pro-Partisan, some pro-Chetnik, and others split in their loyalties). The Croat Ustache prove most valuable here, given their numerical strength (they have very low combat strengths however. in keeping with their status as extremely nasty paramilitary police). Each zone consists of the following terrain features:

    1) Hideaway circles. Partisans are immune from the Axis (apart from when an anti-guerilla operation occurs) but may only obtain recruits if Tito himself (he has his own counter) is present.

    2) Mountain triangles. Only limited numbers of recruits and victory points can be obtained here, but the Axis side has to evacuate strategically vital areas in order to evict the Partisans.

    3) Objective displays. Capturing these will garner both victory points and recruits (in potentially large numbers).

Consequently. the design has to encourage the Partisans to build up recruits before capturing objective displays. Accordingly, although the Partisans can obtain victory points simply by moving into a display. the Axis gets a chance to boot them out before they are able to recruit. As a result, the best Partisan strategy lies in establishing a base in Croatia (where Tito can recruit in the hideaway circle), moving any units obtained from uprisings elsewhere to the Croatian hideaway., before moving into the Croatian mountains and thence into the objective displays. Moreover. increasing recruitment allows the Partisans (and possibly the Chetniks) to form brigades and divisions. This is very important because once activated (for which Tito's presence is necessary) it takes fewer recruitment points to mobilise the larger units. For example. a guerilla group one strength point) is activated by one recruitment point, a guerilla brigade (four strength points) by three recruitment points., and a guerilla division (twelve strength points) by six recruitment points.

The only way the Axis can stop the Partisans is by making sure they never reach brigade or division strength that can only really be done by anti-guerilla operations whose number is limited. This simulates an insurgency rather well; it is rarely possible for the occupying force to get their act together, but when they do it can be deadly.

It is moreover very important to strike early, since the combat system largely protects brigade strength units from elimination at odds of under 9:1, whereas groups are vulnerable from 6:1 upwards. If the Axis player ever manages to knock out Tito, the game is won - this is however almost impossible. Although he can be forced to lie low for a few months.

Eventually, the Axis side suffers from Italian retreat to core areas, then a reduction in units and finally, surrender. At this point mayhem breaks out in the shape of Operation Konstantin, when the Germans have to get to the Italians before the Partisans in order to prevent their erstwhile allies joining the enemy (I suspect this simulates the Partisans getting their hands on Italian weapons rather than actual changing sides). With other rules covering Chetnik desertion or joining the Partisans., this game really is a neglected classic.

One word of warning is primarily useful as an historical simulation (with the caveat that some fudging does occur in order to fit the many diverse elements of the design in a manageable form). Do not expect a balanced game; unless the Axis kill Tito they are going to lose, and the only combat occurs on the early game turns: later on, the Germans and the Ustache will be confined to vital objective displays in a forlorn attempt to cut down the size of the Partisan victory -a clear case for either player victory conditions to be devised, or for two players to play each side in turn (the winner being the player who wins most points when playing the Partisans).

Nonetheless, I would encourage all PA readers to get a copy. The game is readily available from second hand outlets (either with or without the relevant issue of S&T. in which it first appeared) and – in case anyone from Decision Games is reading this – would represent an excellent choice for a reissue, particularly in the light of the ongoing events in the Balkans.

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