Visit of General Ebenezer Mattoon in 1835

Ebenezer Mattoon was born at Amherst, Mass., August 19, 1755, and died there September 17, 1843. The son of a farmer, he graduated at Dartmouth College in 1776, and then joined the artillery company at the battle of Saratoga, and left the service with the rank of major. He was a delegate from Amherst to the conventions; and was several times a member of the Legislature. From 1797 to 1816 major-general 4th division; adjutant-general of the State, 1816; State Senator, 1795-6; twenty years sheriff of Hampshire; M. C. 1801-3; and in 1820, although blind, was a member of the State Constitutional Convention. He commanded the A. and H. artillery company in 1817. Gen. Mattoon was a scientific farmer. -- Drake's Biographical Dictionary.

Account

AMHERST, MASS., Oct. 7, 1835.

PHILIP SCHUYLER, Esq.

Sir:

Yours of the 17th ult., requesting me to give you a detailed account of what I recollect of the battle of Saratoga, surrender of Gen. Burgoyne, etc., was duly received.

When I left home on a visit to my friend Frost, at Union Village, it was my intention to have visited the ground on which the army of Gen. Burgoyne was met and compelled to surrender. But the absence of Mr. Frost prevented. Had I known, however, that a descendant of that venerable patriot and distinguished commander, Gen. Schuyler, was living on the ground, I should have procured means to pay him my respects.

For this valuable letter from the Saratoga Sentinel of November 10, 1835, I am indebted to the courtesy of my friend, the late Mr. Lyman C. Draper, of Madison, Wis., who first directed my attention to it.

Gen. Gates, indeed, obtained the honor of capturing Burgoyne and his army; but let me tell you, sir, that it was more through the wise and prudent counsels of your brave and distinguished ancestor, and the energy and intrepidity of Generals Lincoln and Arnold, than through the ability and foresight of Gates.

In my narrative I shall confine myself to what transpired from the 7th to the 17th day of October, 1777, both days included. This will necessarily lead me to correct the statement of Gen. Wilkinson and a Mr. Buel, in your neighborhood, respecting the fall of Gen. Fraser. By confounding the two accounts of the 19th of September and 7th of October, neither of them is correctly described.

The action of the 19th of September commenced about ten o'clock A. M., and continued during the day, each army alternately advancing and retiring. On that day Col. Morgan posted a number of his riflemen to take off the officers as they appeared out of the woods; but no such posting of riflemen occurred on the 7th of October, Gen. Wilkinson to the contrary notwithstanding.

On the 7th of October the American army was posted, their right wing resting on the North River, and their left extending on to Bemis's Heights, Generals Nixon and Glover* commanding on the right:

(* Glover was from Marblehead, Mass., and a contemporary MS. journal thus speaks of his part in this action: "Even the stolid Hessians expressed their amazement when they saw these brave Marbleheaders dash through the fire of grape and canister and over the dead bodies of their comrades, through the embrasures, over the cannon, with the same agility with which they formerly climbed to the maintop, or traversed the backstays, bayoneting the cannoneers at their posts. It was said that Morgan's riflemen ran up the trees which commanded the enemy's guns with the speed of catamounts. Glover's troops evinced the coolness and agility of sailors in their attack, and showed that they could use the bayonet with as much skill and effect as the marling or hand- spike on board ship.

Till that hour the bele noir of our army was the Hessian and his bayonet, with which he was ascribed as having almost superhuman skill. That day he was beaten with his own chosen weapon, and the lesson he learned and we learned was an important factor in future contests. After one of the most desperate hand to hand contests ever known on this planet, the redoubt [Breyman's], was taken, the guns turned on the enemy, and the day was ours. Nothing shows the fiery nature of this battle more distinctly than the fact that Gen. Glover that day had three horses shot under him.")

Lincoln, the centre, and Morgan and Larnerd the left.**

(** "The position thus selected lay between the Hudson River on the east and Saratoga Lake only six miles to the west; the high lands west of the river valley were cut by three deep ravines leading easterly, forming strong natural barriers against an approaching army ; the whole country in this vicinity was a wilderness, and the high ground approaches so near the river there that it was the most advantageous point in the whole valley to dispute the passage of the British army moving from the north. Such was the place selected by the experienced Polish patriot Kosciusko, and approved by Gen. Gates, as the Thermopylae of the struggle for American freedom." -- General E. F. Bullard's Centennial Address at Schuylerville, July 4, 1876.)

The British army, with its left resting on the river, commanded by Philips; their centre by Gen. Redhiesel (Riedesel, pronounced Re-day-zel, with accent on second syllable. The Cockneys in the British army pronounced it Red-hazel -- whence Gen. Mattoon's spelling of it is doubtless derived.), and the extreme right extending to the heights, was commanded by Lord Balcarras (Balcarras, it may be remembered, was the officer who got into a serious altercation with Arnold in England -- refusing to speak or recognize him.), where he was strongly fortified. Their light troops were under the command of Gen. Fraser and Lord Auckland [Acland].

About one o'clock of this day two signal guns were fired on the left of the British army, which indicated a movement. Our troops were immediately Put under arms, and the lines manned. At this juncture, Gens. Lincoln and Arnold rode with great speed towards the enemy's lines. While they were absent the picket guards on both sides were engaged near the river. In about half an hour Generals Lincoln and Arnold returned to headquarters, where many of the officers collected to hear the report, General Gates standing at the door.

Gen. Lincoln says, " Gen. Gates, the firing at the river is merely a feint; their object is your left. A strong force of 1,500 men are marching circuitously to plant themselves on yonder height. That point must be defended or your camp is in danger." Gates replied, "I will send Morgan with his riflemen and Dearborn's infantry."

Arnold says, "That is nothing; you must send a strong force."

Gates replied, "Gen. Arnold, I have nothing for you to do; you have no business here." Arnold's reply was reproachful and severe.

Gen. Lincoln says, "You must send a strong force to support Morgan and Dearborn, at least three regiments."

Two regiments from Gen. Larned's brigade and one from Gen. Nixon's were then ordered to that station, and to defend it, at all hazards. Generals Lincoln and Arnold immediately left the encampment and proceeded to the enemy's lines.

In a few minutes Capt. Furnival's company of artillery, in which I was lieutenant, was ordered to march towards the fire, which had now opened upon our picket in front, the picket consisting of about 300 men. While we were marching the whole line, up to our picket or front, was engaged. We advanced to a height of ground which brought the enemy in view., and opened our fire. But the enemy s guns, eight in number, and much heavier than ours, rendered our position untenable.

We then advanced into the line of infantry. Here Lieutenant M'Lane joined me. In our front there was a field of corn, in which the Hessians were secreted. On our advancing towards the corn field a number of men rose and fired upon us. M'Lane was severely wounded. While I was removing him from the field the firing still continued without abatement.

During this time a tremendous firing was heard on our left. We poured upon them our canister shot as fast as possible, and the whole line, from left to right, became engaged. The smoke was very dense and no movements could be seen; but as it soon arose, our infantry appeared to be slowly retreating and the Hessians slowly advancing, their officers urging them on with their hangers.

Just at this moment an elderly man, with a long hunting gun, coming up I said to him, "Daddy, the infantry mustn't leave, I shall be cut to pieces."

He replied, "I'll give them another gun." The smoke then rising again, several officers, led by a general, appeared moving to the northward, in rear of the Hessian line. The old man at that instant discharged his gun and the general officer pitched forward on the neck of his horse, and instantly they all wheeled about, the old man observing, "I have killed that officer, let him be who he will."

I replied, "you have, and it is a general officer, and by his dress I believe it is Frazer." While they were turning about three of their horses dropped down; but their further movements were then concealed by the smoke.

Here I will offer the reasons why I think this officer was Gen. Fraser, and that he was killed by the shot of this old man. In the first place, the distance, by actual measurement, was within reach of a gun: for the next morning, a dispute arising about the distance, some contending that it was eight rods and others fifteen, two respectable sergeants, both of whom have since been generals in the militia of Massachusetts, Boardman and Lazell, were selected to decide the dispute by pacing the ground.

They did so, and found the distance from the stump where the old man stood to the spot where the horses fell just twelve rods. In the next place the officer was shot through the body from left to right as was afterwards ascertained. Now from his relative position to the posted riflemen, he could not have been shot through in this direction, but they must have hit him in front. Moreover, the riflemen could not have seen him on account of the smoke in which he was enveloped.*

(* There can be no doubt that the old man, to whom the writer alludes, shot an officer; but that he killed Gen. Fraser cannot be correct, since not only was Murphy positive that he fell before his rifle, but several authors have stated that Fraser told his friends after he was wounded, "that he saw the man who shot him, and that he was a rifleman posted in a tree."

See, also, Silliman's visit to the battleground some pages back, where he speaks of Morgan having told his friend, Hon. Richard Brent, to this effect, and Simms' " Frontiersmen of New York," in which this writer says that Murphy's son and two daughters assured him that their father shot Fraser. )

The troops continuing warmly engaged, Col. Johnsoni's regiment coming up, threw in a heavy fire and compelled the Hessians to retreat. Upon this we advanced with a shout of victory. At the same time Auckland's [Acland's] corps gave way.

We proceeded but a short distance before we came upon four pieces of brass cannon, closely surrounded with the dead and dying; at a few yards further we came upon two more. Advancing a little further we were met by a fire from the British infantry, which proved very fatal to one of Col. Johnson's companies, in which were killed one sergeant, one corporal, fourteen privates-and about twenty were wounded.

They advanced with a quick step, firing as they came on. We returned them a brisk fire of canister shot, not allowing ourselves time even to sponge our pieces. In a short time they ceased firing and advanced upon us with trailed arms. At this juncture Arnold came up with a part of Brooks's regiment and gave them a most deadly fire, which soon caused them to face about and retreat with a quicker step than they advanced.

The firing had now principally ceased on our left, but was brisk in front and on the right. At this moment Arnold says to Col. Brooks (late governor of Massachusetts), "Let us attack Balcarras's works."

Brooks replied, No. Lord Auckland's [Acland's] detachment has retired there; we can't carry them."

"Well, then, let us attack the Hessian lines."

Brooks replies, "with all my heart."

We all wheeled to the right and advanced. No fire was received, except from the cannon, until we got within about eight rods, when we received a tremendous fire from the whole line. But a few of our men, however, fell. Still advancing, we received a second fire, in which a few men fell, and Gen. Arnold's horse fell under him and he himself was wounded. He cried out, "Rush on, my brave boys."

After receiving the third fire, Brooks mounted their works, swung his sword, and the men rushed into their works. When we entered the works we found Col. Breyman dead, surrounded with a number of his companions, dead or wounded. We still pursued slowly; the fire, in the meantime, decreasing. Nightfall now put an end to this day's bloody contest.

During the day we had taken eight cannon and broken the centre of the enemy's lines.

We were ordered to rest until relieved from the camps. The gloom of the night, the groans and shrieks of the wounded and dying, and the horrors of the whole scene baffle all description.

Undercover of this night (the 7th) the British army changed their position, so that it became necessary to reconnoitre on the ground.*

(* During a retreat a Mr. Willard, as before stated in the preface, residing near the foot of a mountain, opposite the battle ground, by night would display signals from its top by different lights, in such manner as from time to time to give the Americans the location and movements of the British army. This mountain is plainly visible from Albany and Fort Edward. It has ever since been known by the name of "Willard's Mountain." That is certainly one of the earliest systems of telegraphing known to have been put in practice.)

While Gen. Lincoln was doing this he was severely wounded, so that his active services were lost to the army during that campaign. A powerful rain commenced about 11 o'clock, which continued without abatement till the morning of the 9th. In this time information had come that Gen. Burgoyne had removed his troops to Saratoga.

At 9 o'clock a.m. of October 8th Captain Furnival received orders to march to the river, to cross the floating bridge and repair to the fording place, opposite Saratoga, where we arrived at dusk. There we found Gen. Bailey, of New Hampshire, with about goo men, arranging a long range of fires, to indicate the presence of a large army. The British troops had covered the opposite heights with their fires.

In the early part of the evening Col. Moseley arrived with his regiment of Massachusetts militia, when our company was directed by Gen. Bailey to make a show of our field pieces at the river. We soon extinguished their lights. Then we were ordered to pass the Battenkill river, and erect works there during the night. In the morning we perceived a number of officers on the stairs, and on the east side of the house on the hill, a little north of the Battenkill river, apparently surveying our situation and works.

My captain being sick at the time I levelled our guns, and with such effect as to disperse them. We took the house to be their headquarters.*

(* This was the house, an account of which is mentioned in a previous note in which Mrs. Riedesel was stationed.

In this house was born March 15, 1794, a lady who died at Painted Post, N. Y., April 23, 1894. The lady's name was Mrs. Anna Patterson Goodsell Smith. Her father, Capt. Sherman Patterson, served in the Continental army under Gen. Swift, participated in the storming of Quebec, and was close by Montgomery's side when the latter fell in that desperate assault. She was twice married, the first time at sixteen, and was the mother of eight children, five of whom are now living. There are also living thirty-two grandchildren and fourteen great grandchildren.

This incident is here mentioned as illustrating how close to the present is the Revolutionary period, as I have before remarked in a previous note. This house has often been mistaken for Burgoyne's headquarters, a statement, also, I have elsewhere shown to be incorrect.)

We continued our fire till a nine or twelve pounder was brought to bear upon us and rendered our works useless. Next we' were ordered to repair, in haste, to Fort Edward to defend the fording-place. Col. Moseley's regiment accompanied us. Some slight works were thrown up by us; and while thus employed, a number of British officers appeared on the opposite side of the river. We endeavored to salute them according to their rank! They soon disappeared.

During this day (the 10th) we captured fifty Indians and a large number of Canadian tories. We remained at Fort Edward till the morning of the 13th. Being then informed of the armistice which had been agreed upon, we were ordered to return to our position upon the Battenkill and repair our works. Here we remained till the morning of the 17th, when we received orders to repair to Gen. Gates's headquarters on the west side of the river.

As we passed along we saw the British army piling (not stacking) their arms; the piles of arms extending from Schuyler's creek northward nearly to the house on the hill before mentioned. The range of piles ran along the ground west of the road then traveled, and east of the canal as it now runs.

Just below the island we passed the river, and came to Gen. Gates's marquee, situated on a level piece of ground, from 130 to 150 rods south of Schuyler's creek. A little south and west of this there is a rising ground, on which our army was posted, in order to appear to the best advantage. A part of it was also advantageously drawn up upon the east side of the river.

About noon, on the 17th, Gen. Burgoyne, with a number of his officers, rode up near to the marquee, in front of which Gen. Gates was sitting, attended with many of his officers. The sides of the marquee were rolled up, so that all that was transacted might be seen. Gen. Burgoyne dismounted and approached Gen. Gates, who rose and stepped forward to meet him. Gen. Burgoyne then delivered up his sword to Gen. Gates, who received it in his left hand, at the same time extending his right hand to take the right hand of Gen. Burgoyne.*

(* GEN. BURGOYNE'S SWORD STILL TO BE SEEN AT HADLEY, MASS.

Hadley claims notice in connection with the Saratoga celebration by virtue of certain valuable relics of Gen. Burgoyne and traditions of his visit. After the surrender Burgoyne, with other paroled prisoners, left Saratoga for Boston to take passage for England. He was escorted by a band of American soldiers under command of Col. Elisha Porter, of Hadley--a notable member of a notable family in the early history of the Connecticut valley. The successive heads of this family have all been more or less prominent in the affairs of the town and section, and seats in the Legislature and other local official positions have been heir-looms since the time of Samuel Porter--the first male child born in the town.

Col. Porter was the son of Eleazar Porter and brother of Judge Eleazar Porter, of the Court of Common Pleas. At the outbreak of the Revolution he raised a regiment and commanded it during the earlier part of the struggle, gaining distinction from his high qualities, both in the field and in the councils of his superior officers. Autograph letters from Washington and other famous men are still treasured by his descendants. To him was assigned the task of piloting Burgoyne through the mountain wilderness lying between the battle field and the sea, and on arriving at Hadley he entertained the distinguished captive in his own mansion.

This house is one of the finest specimens of old colonial architecture to be found, and bears its 164 years more lightly than many of its contemporaries. The room occupied by Gen. Burgoyne during the night is a spacious and elegant apartment on the Tower floor, looking out upon the expanse of the beautiful West street, and shadowed by majestic elms.

So much was Burgoyne impressed by the kindness of his generous foe that, on departing, he presented Col. Porter with his dress sword, which Gen. Gates had permitted him to retain, and also left his camp bedstead and the poles of his tent. The bedstead has, through some unknown chance, disappeared, but the remaining articles are preserved and exhibited with pride to curious visitors.

The sword is one of the slender, triangular rapiers which were indispensable features in the dress of a gentleman of that day, but this is of the elegant order befitting the dignity of an officer of high rank in his majesty's army. The hilt is of solid silver, and the guard is constructed in elaborate designs. The entire length of the blade is inlaid with gold filagree work, and on the sides of the base, near the hilt, are traced in the same metal G. R. -- Georgius Rex -- and the arms of the British kingdom. The numerous hacks and dents on the sword's edge show that it was not merely a holiday decoration. The point has been broken off, and possibly remains rusting in the scabbard, which is of finest leather, ornamented with silver.

The tentpoles are of light yet strong wood, and are supplied with joints, hooks and staples. A curious piece of frame work, consisting of four flat sticks united at one end to an iron spike, and joined near the other, is supposed to have served as a support to a canopy overhanging the general's head. Col. Porter's diary, which he kept with great minuteness for many years, closes abruptly at the end of the year 1776, and thus the only knowledge of the history of these interesting relics depends upon family tradition. Springfield Republican, August 20, 1886.)

After a few minutes' conversation Gen. Gates returned the sword to Gen. Burgoyne, who received it in the most graceful and gentlemanly manner. The rest of Gen. Burgoyne's officers then delivered up their swords, and had them restored to them likewise. They then all repaired to the table and were seated; and while dining, the prisoners were passing by.

After they had all passed by a number of us went in search of a gun which was upon a carriage the day previous to the 17th, near what was called the Hessian burying ground. But the tracks of the carriage were so confused, and the stench from the dead bodies was so offensive, that the search was discontinued.*

(* In speaking of the surrender, Benjamin Mooers, a participant in the battle, in his diary says: "The surrender of Gen. Burgoyne's sword and his army is worth recording here, for it was a grand defeat to the enemy. The soldiers were drawn up in line on each side, red coats on one, and blue and buff Continentals on the other [see "Revolutionary Letters" for a fuller account of this].

I must say that of all the brave fighters I ever saw Gen. Arnold was the best. The odds being so great against him in the battle of Bemis's Heights he remained undaunted, and until his horse fell with him, crushing his leg so that he had to be borne off from the field, he rushed like a wild man wherever the battle was the hottest. I would have liked to have heard the words used at the surrender, but could not, and had to be satisfied with seeing Burgoyne's sword given up. One part of the prisoners was sent south, the others eastward to the barracks built in 1775-76 for our troops near Boston. They were under a guard of militia men, to which the company I belonged was annexed, and the entire guard and prisoners were placed under the command of our captain, Gen. Bricket."

All the same, however, Gen. Glover, of Marblehead, was the gentleman under whom the Convention troops were escorted to Boston and Worcester, Mass.)

Thus I have replied to your inquiries, as far as my recollection extends. I should be very happy to meet you and spend a day or two in walking over the battle ground, and entering into other particulars concerning that engagement, which, however, are of minor importance.

With much esteem,
E. MATTOON.