by John Barratt
Disaster at NantwichThe details of the Nantwich campaign have been covered elsewhere, [33] so it will only be outlined here. Leaving Chester on December 12th, Byron's force of 4,000 foot and 1,000 horse won a striking initial success the next day with Captain Sandford's surprisal of Beeston Castle. They went on to reduce a number of local Parliamentarian garrisons, and steadily closed in on their headquarters at Nantwich. On December 26th, a relief attempt by Brereton and the Lancashire Parliamentarians was defeated at Middlewich. Robert Byron, however, claimed that with the exception of his own and Richard Gibson's Regiments, the bulk of the troops from Ireland did not distingush themselves in the fighting.
However, a major Royalist assault on Nantwich, launched on January 17th, was repulsed with the loss of possibly about 300 dead, including Captain Thomas Sandford.
Disaster was to follow on January 25th, with the complete defeat of Byron's army by the relief force led by Sir Thomas Fairfax. Lord Byron and his brother Robert placed part of the blame for this on treachery by some of the troops from Ireland, notably in Earnley and Warren's Regiments. The evidence suggests that about 50 or 60 of the latter may have changed sides in the course of the battle, and opened fire on thir own men, but there is no evidence of larger-scale defections. The Royalist defeat probably resulted as much from ill-luck and ammunition shortages as any other reason.
Nantwich cost the forces from Ireland about 200 dead and 1,500 prisoners. Of the latter, about 500 took srvice with the Parliamentarians, along with about 200 who had deserted previously. Though they included at least one company of firelocks (possibly Sandford's) who switched allegiance in its entirety, [34] the total is not particularly high considering that we are dealing with professional soldiers whose allegiance might have been expected to have been available to the highest bidder. Brereton was to consider handing the remainder over to the Scots to serve against the Irish in Ulster. [35]
Another point worth emphasis is that, with the exception of one or two senior officers, such as George Mobnck and, apparently, Richard Gibson, no attempt was made by the Parliamentarians to permanently detain the officers they had captured. Some indeed were to be exchanged as often as three or more times in the course of their service with the Royalists. [36] As a result, though the original rank and file of the regiments from Ireland were to be considerably diluted by new recruits as time went by, a cadre of original officers, and, possibly, N.C.O's was retained until Naseby.
However, Nantwich was a serious blow which effectively ended the possibility of an independent "Irish-Royalist" army operating in England, and the practicability of their presenting a counterbalance to the Scots. Only Robert Byron's Regiment had escaped substantially intact, the rest would require re-organisation before they could take the field again. Nevertheless, the contribution of the Leinster troops to the Royalist cause had already been significant; without their intervention, both North Wales and Chester would probably have been lost; they would now remain in the KIng's hands for most of the duration of the war.
Lord Byron, partly from a desire to justify his own performance, was bitter in his condemnation of the performance of the troops from Ireland. He wrote to Ormonde on January 30th: "Truely, my Lord, the enemy is grown so strong upon their late success that without a larger supply we shall be able to do little good, and I wish they were rather Irish than English, for the English we have already are very mutinous, and being for the most part this countrymen are so poisoned by the ill-affected people here, that they grow very cold in service, and since the rebels here call in the Scots, I know no reason why the King should make any scruple in calling in the Irish or the Turks if they should serve him.", and on February 6th: "the Irish will be much more welcome supplys, in regard that the English there in Leinster being most Welsh and Cheshiremen, are very subject to bee corrupted in their own countryes. [37]
"The whole subject of the use of "native" Irish will be examined in more detail later; suffice it for the moment to say that Byron's plea was to result in some recruits for his own Regiment of Foot, but for the present little else.
On February 7th the last major contingent of English troops from Leinster landed at Neston and Beaumaris. By this time, Prince Rupert had assumed the command originally intended for 0rmonde, with a wider commission covering Wales as well. The newcomers consisted of 1,700 foot of the Regiments of Robert Broughton and Henry Tillier. Both were experienced soldiers, and Tillier, who may have been a Huguenot, was in addition a military theoretician who prior to the war had been involved in instructing the London Trained Bands.
Also part of the contingent were 300 horse formerly of the Regiment of Sir Thomas Lucas, and now commanded by a veteran professional soldier, Sir William Vaughan. Byron, had enough problems in providing for and disciplining the troops remaining after Nantwich, and was anxious to pass the new contingent on to Prince Rupert at his headquarters at Shrewsbury, informing him that they expected the same allowances as the previous troops from Ireland had received, that is "a month's entertainment for every common soldier half-a-crown, a suit of clothes, shoes, and stockings. Since their coming the officers have had only their month's pay, but the men have had free qwuarters and 12d a week, which is more than they ever had in Ireland.". [38] Without this, Byron warned, the Troops were likely to mutiny, to which "they are inclined as soldiers in the world."
Sir John Mennes shared Byron's views, writing to Rupert on February 10th: "I have just recieved a letter froim my Lord Byron, which tells me that 1700 foot are landed out of Ireland, under the command of Tillier and Broughton. These his lordship intends to send hither, because they cannot make provision there. I shall endeavor to make what shift I can to assist them, which must be in providing victuals - for money is a thing we hear not of - if your Highness be pleased to write to the high sheriff, to command him to bespeak hose and shoes for them, I know that may be readily done, or any other thing that is not ready money. We have here about five hundred suits of clothes, which I have stayed for your Highness. They should have been sent to Chester; but their own clothes were good enough to run to the enemy..." [39]
Presumably some of the soldiers did indeed desert, but there do not seem to have been many, and Rupert gave them little opportunity for idleness. On March 21st he carried out his celebrated Relief of Newark; among his troops were 1,000 musketeers of Tillier's and Broughton's Regiments ( evidence that they were armed on 2:1 musket/pike ratio) and 120 musketeers of Fulke Huncke's Regiment, now stationed at Shrewsbury. [40] Tillier had by now been appointed Rupert's Major-General. Though they did not enjoy any particular success in the action, the troops from Ireland made up about a third of Rupert's foot at Newark.
By now the worst of the discipline problems were over (partly probably because those who wanted to desert had by this time done so). On March 30th Sir William Bellenden was able to inform Rupert that "Monday last we discharged free quarters, not without some growling amongst the soldiers; and whereas your Highness did appoint 3/- worth of provisions to be given each soldier a week, I have only caused issue so much as comes to ls 10d., which I did by the advice of some of the officers, it being sufficent with the shilling in money that your Highness has appointed for them; more would have caused a waste. Neither could we, without danger of mutiny, hereafter have lessened the proportion once given them." [41]
A similar picture emerges at Chester, where initially the disorders of the survivors of the defeat at Nantwich had caused a petition of protest from the citizens. [42]
However a few judicious hangings by Byron, and some small-scale offensive operations along the Welsh border did much to improve matters.
By this time the first of Lord Byron's Regiment of Foot were available. I have sketched the history of this interesting unit elsewhere, [43] but, in brief, Byron seems to have employed a recruiting agent, Colonel Thomas Napier, to raise men, apparently native Irish, in Dublin. By the beginning of March, some five companies of rank and file had been provided by these means. Most of the officers however seem to have hailed from the Welsh Border, in many cases men who had served with Lord Capel's forces, and it is probable that many of the ordinary soldiers were raised in the same area.
With the possible exception of some of Prince Rupert's Firelocks (many of whom were raised on the Continent) there is no evidence that any other significant numbers of native Irish arrived at this time. Indeed, the flow of troops of any kind from Ireland was fast drying up. This was for a number of reasons. Neither the King nor Ormonde wanted to strip the country entirely of English troops and hopes of significant aid from the Irish Confederates were so far proving groundless. Furthermore, the brief period of comparative naval parity in the Irish Sea had ended. In March the ships under Captain Baldwin Wake returned to Bristol, and Parliament, alarmed by the landings in late 1643, had commenced a new programme of naval construction which by the early summer had restored their supremacy on the sea lanes, which was never again seriously threatened for the duration of the war. [44]
But if further reinforcements seemed unlikely, the troops from Ireland already available to Rupert were to prove extremely valuable. On April 13th Arthur Trevor informed Ormonde that Prince Rupert was "mightily in love with the Irish", and during the spring Sir William Vaughan's Regiment of Horse, which had been recruited further locally, cooperated with Colonel Robert Ellice's Foot Regiment in clearing much of Shropshire (apart from the major Parliamentarian garrison of Wem). [45]
Rupert had now set his sights on reinforcing the Marquis of Newcastle in order to counter the Scots invasion. En route he planned to restore the Royalist position in Lancashire and ca ture Liverpool, thus improving communications with Ireland. [46] In preparation an intensive recruiting effort was launched in North Wales and its border. As no completely new regiments were formed, the new levies must have been incorporated into existing units, including the regiments from Ireland, whose veteran content now began to be considerably diluted.[47] However Tillier's, Broughton's and Robert Byron's Regiments still contained a high proportion of their original personnel.
Rupert began his march north on May 18th. The troops from Ireland made up a vital part of his strength. Of the 10 foot regiments which can be identified in his initial force, six were from Ireland ( and a further one, Lord Byron's, joined later). The foot totalled 5-6,000, of whom perhaps up to 4,000 were in the Irish regiments ( though not all, of course, the original troops). [48] Sir william Vaughan's Regiment of Horse was also present.
Rupert made extensive use of the troops from Ireland during his Lancashire campaign. They were heavily involved in the storming of Bolton on May 28th, and again at the siege of Liverpool (June 7th-12th). A key role in the capture of the latter place was played by Tillier's Regiment. [49] Casualties in both actions must have been significant.
Rupert appointed Colonel Robert Byron as Governor of Liverpool. It seems likely however that his excellent Foot Regiment was kept with the main field army, under either Lord Byron or Thomas Napier, and that Robert was given instead some of Lord Byron's Regiment of Foot to form part of his garrison.
At Marston Moor, Robert Byron's Foot were brigaded with Rupert's Regiment on the right wing, and seem to have been effectively destroyed. The remainder of the foot from Ireland formed six of the eight divisions in the Royalist front line, probably totalling about 3,000 men. Warren's Regiment may have been about 500 strong, with Tillier and Broughton having about 1,000 apiece. Earnley and Gibson's, which had suffered particularly heavily at Nantwich, were evidently still understrength, totalling about 500 in all, and were brigaded together. [50] Tillier acted as Rupert's Major-General, and commanded the front line.
The "Irish" foot performed well in the battle, first holding the assault by Leven and Fairfax's foot, and then forcing them back. But they were overwhelmed in the general Royalist defeat.
The remains of the foot from Ireland eventually made their way back to the Welsh Border. Their losses at Marston Moor are difficult to calculate; no units actually ceased to exist, and Earnley's Major, with 200 men, was reported to be recruiting in Furness later in July, whilst Gibson's Regiment was in North Wales in
A the following month. It may well be that some of them had succeeded in making a relatively orderly withdrawal from the field, and other stragglers had escaped under cover of darkness. Nonetheless, the result must have been a further reduction in the number of surviving veterans.
Reverses had also been suffered by those units which Rupert had left behind on the Welsh Border. These apparently included Sir Fulke Huncke's small Foot Regiment (Hunckes was Governor of Shrewsbury) and the Regiment of Horse commanded by John Marrow, which probably included some troops from Ireland. On July 3rd Marrow was routed at Oswestry, and in the following month mortally wounded in an action at Tarvin. [51]
Once again attempts were made to re-recruit Rupert's battered forces, and sufficent of the veterans from Ireland evidently remained to form cadres around which to rebuild their regiments. However, levies proved difficult to raise, and the work had not proceeded far before the "Irish" foot were again in action, this time in Lord Byron's effort to retake Montgomery Castle. Five of the Regiments - those of Tillier, (who had been captured at Marston Moor), Broughton, Warren, Earnley and Hunckes - can be identified as being present at the battle. They may have comprised about two-thirds of the 3,000 Royalist foot present.
Once again, the "Irish" foot began well, making an attack which almost overwhelmed their opponents. But the assault faltered, (possibly because of ammunition shortage) and the result was total disaster. [52] Some 2,000 foot were killed or captured. Some of the "Irish" did escape -Hunckes is reported as taking 100 men back to Shrewsbury- but that colourful correspondent, Arthur Trevor, for once did not greatly exaggerate when he wrote to Ormonde: "Lord Byron is infinitely unfortunate, and hath now finished with your excellency, that is to say, made an end to all your Lordship's army unto a man, without any the least service; and truely my Lord, people now begin to speak out, and say those forces were trifled away by Lord Byron..."
[53]
Once again, the evidence shows that captured officers were exchanged, and the regiments from Ireland remained in being, but Montgomery must have been the effective end of most of the veteran units from Leinster.
The next blow fell on the troops which had been left to garrison Liverpool. In September a blockade had been established by Parliamentarian forces commanded by Sir John Meldrum, and early in November, the Irish soldiers of Lord Byron's Regiment mutinied, seized their officers, and surrendered the town on condition that their lives were spared. They were shipped back to Ireland, but any satisfaction was short-lived, as they were promptly detained on arrival, Byron having written to Ormonde, asking him to single them out as "examples of disloyalty and treachery; and the rather, because they were all natives of Ireland, and therefore the more trusted here, as not so apt to be seduced as the people of this country.", and shipped back to Lord Byron at Chester, who hanged two of them. Others evidently became part of the Lathom House garrison.[54]
Until now, despite much propaganda against the King's alleged use of "irish rebels", Parliament had, with occasional exceptions, treated captured troops from Ireland in much the same way as other prisoners. But on October 24th an Ordnance was passed ordering its troops to give no quarter to "any Irishman or any Papist born in Ireland which shall be taken in arms against Parliament in England." The reasons for this deserve some examination. The claim has been made that the Ordnance in fact resulted from the actual large-scale emplyment of native Irish by the Royalist forces, and Joyce Malcolm cites as supporting evidence a letter of March 6th 1644 from Ormonde to Digby, in which he promises that if sufficent shipping were provided, he "should not doubt from those ports in the King's obedience to send at times considerable numbers of Irish with little noise, and without the help of the pretended Irish council [the Confederates]" [55] In reality, of course, sufficent shipping was never available, and this, coupled with Parliamentarian naval supremacy, meant that only a few scattered groups of men, mostly in Lord Byron's Regiment (and more importantly, but outside the scope of this study, Montrose's "Irish Brigade"), ever arrived.
Parliament had adopted a conciliatory policy towards the English forces returning from Ireland, mainly because it had hoped to win them over to its side, but by October most of them were dead, deserted or captured anyway. The intention behind the Ordnance was probably two-fold - to play on anti-Catholic feelings in England, and deter the Irish Confederates from actually trying to send help to the King.
In reality, the Ordnance was to prove a minefield for all concerned. It was extremely difficult to establish the exact status of prisoners - what, for example was the position of an "Englishman by descent but an Irishman born" - the "Old English" settlers who in many cases were difficult to distingush from the "native" Irish, and who served in considerable numbers in the Government forces? It is certain that many of those unfortunate enough to be executed actually fell within this category.
In practice, many of Parliament's commanders displayed considerable reluctance to carry out the Ordnance. Partly this was due to fear of Royalist reprisals - a well-known example is Rupert's retalatory hanging of 13 Parliamentarian prisoners on March 19th 1645 - and by the end of the war, when such danger had decreased, some Parliamentarian officers were to prove more ruthless. [56]
After Montgomery the remnants of the troops from Leinster were withdrawn to Chester and Shrewsbury. Most of the latter were drawn off by Prince Maurice in early 1645 to reinforce his attempt to relieve Chester, and as a result Shrewsbury fell to a surprise Parliamentarian attack on February 22nd. [57] A number of officers from the "Irish" regiments, including the mortally sick Sir Michael Earnley, were among the prisoners.
When Rupert relieved Chester in March, [58] he drew off to join the main field army about 1,200 of Byron's men, including "the remainder of the old Irish regiments" - probably no more than about 500 men. These were brigaded with the troops from Shrewsbury, and at Naseby formed the division known as the "Shrewsbury Foot", which seems to have included elements of Broughton, Tillier's, Hunckes', Gibson's and Warren's Regiments,- averaging no more than 150 men. [59]
Naseby saw the final destruction of the foot from Ireland, though a few officers may have been exchanged - Tillier was freed in June, in time to be captured again at Bristol in September.
Still remaining was Sir William Vaughan's Regiment of Horse, which continued its depredations along the Welsh Border, seeing action at Rowton Heath and Denbigh Green, and still fielding some troops at Stow-on-the-Wold (March 21st, 1646).
At Chester, Lord Byron's Regiment received a couple of hundred reinforcements during the early part of 1645. [60] About 100 of the Regiment, under Lieutenant ant- Colonel Little, formed part of the garrison throughout the siege. Although nominally excluded from the surrender terms reached in February 1646, Little and his men were allowed to leave with the rest of the garrison, and next joined the defenders of Conway. Here a number of them were executed by drowning after the town was captured on May 9th, but those remaining in the Castle on its surrender were evidently shipped back to Ireland.
[32] The Royalists may have been fired on after the defenders of the village church had 33 supposedly surrendered.
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