Introduction and Organization
by John Barratt
The operations of Lord Derby's forces in Lancashire during the First Civil War have
been largely ignored or dismissed in most general accounts.
(1) The following article is an attempt to Outline the
background of the Royalist war effort in Lancashire.
In 1642 Lancashire had a population of about 150,000, the majority of whom were
to be found in the more economically advanced eastern portion of the county,
including the towns of Bolton, Blackburn and Manchester, and were predominantly
Parliamentarian in sympathy. The Royalists, despite repeated efforts, were never to
succeed in establishing a foothold here, and were forced to depend upon the basically
agricultural and more economically backward Hundreds of West Derby, Leyland and
Amounderness for their main Support. Here were to be found a larger proportion of minor,
less prosperous, gentry than in most other counties, (2) whose alienation from the more prosperous eastcrn Hundreds was increased
by the high proportion of Roman Catholics among them. (3)
Although many of the minor gentry undoubtedly remained neutral for as long as
possible, of those who were activists, many more (a proportion of about 2:1) were
Royalist than Parliamcntarian. (4)
Most of the local gentry were linked by marriage, and, of critical importance in the
semi-feudal situation of South Lancashire, the three leading peers, who held most of the
area's wealth, were all Royalist. Their powers of patronage, family connections, and ability
to employ any necessary pressure, ensured that the majority (though not all) of their
retainers, neighbours and tenants would follow their lead.
Derby (5) is usually regarded as being the leading Royalist activist in Lancashire. The Stanleys held a position of vast power, especially in West Derby Hundred, where they were "esteemed with little less respect than kinges", (6) and the huge Derby estates were an obvious major source of recruits.
The Earl has received a bad press, being depicted as a narrow-minded, superstitious and cruel incompetent, who lost the war in Lancashire as a result of his bungling. (7) However this viewpoint should be treated with caution. Derby appears to have been a good landlord, reasonably well liked by most of his tenants. (8) His personal bravery is well-attested, and allegations in Parliamentary propaganda of his cruelty are not independently supported. As will be seen, accusations of his incompetence tended to be from enemies, rivals, or those with an axe to grind.
There is a suggestion that Derby was a somewhat reluctant participant in the
conflict. During the summer of 1642 Parliamentary sources depicted the Roman
Catholic Thomas Tyldesley of Myerscough as the leading Royalist activist in the county,
and it is noticeable that Royalist activities in Lancashire increased and became more
coherent whenever Tyldesley and the other leading activists, Lord Molyneux and Sir John
Girlington, were present, and then declined in their absence.
However Derby's support, as Lord Lieutenant, was vital to Royalist hopes, and
during the summer of 1642, as war approached, he had an important role to play
in securing control of the Trained Bands (reputed to be 20,000 strong) and their arms
and magazines. (9)
Prior to the outbreak of war, Derby had established small magazines at Preston,
Warrington, Manchester and Liverpool. The first two and possibly the last of these fell
into Royalist hands, but an unsuccessful attempt to secure the magazine at Manchester
precipitated open conflict. (10)
Derby appears initially to have relied upon the usual Royalist tactic of the
Commission of Array to raise forces from the Trained Band. This was in practice successful
only in South Lancashire, and even here the majority of the Trained Bands were
unenthusiastic and ill-armed. (11)
The Royalist leaders in Lancashire apparently shared the majority opinion that
the issue would be decided by one battle between the King and the Earl of Essex, and in
consequence concentrated their efforts on raising the Foot Regiments of Charles and
Gilbert Gerrard and Lord Molyneux, which, after the abortive siege of Manchester,
marched away to join the main field army in time for Edgehill. Derby's partisans
complained of the injustice of this, but in reality, the intention, borne out by Derby's
boasts of the strength which he could raise for the Mug, had always been that these units
should serve with the main field army wherever it was. (12)
Problems arose later because of the unexpected prolongation of the war beyond one campaign.
The Garrard and Molyneux units were raised in several ways. The Lancashire elements of them (Charles Gerrard's Regiment included a number of men from North Wales) were probably recruited mainly from Derby's tenants in South West Lancashire. It has been said that no actual
impressment was used at this stage, and that many recruits were probably volunteers
obtained by "beat of drum". (13)
There is however evidence that a considerable degree of coercion was employed.
Thomas Tyldesley, as Lieutenant Colonel of Lord Molyneux's Regiment, filled up the ranks
from his own contingent of the Trained Band, and "would not suffer any of them to return
home, but compelled and forced them to march with him after the King". (14)
This caused a near mutiny, with the contingent from Amounderness Hundred threatening to shoot Tyldesley. (15) The regiments probably included a large number of tenants brought along by their landlords, who were mainly minor gentry. In their case also, coercion was probably a major factor.
The departure of these regiments, together with at least one troop of horse in Sir Thomas
Aston's Regiment, was a major and ultimately fatal loss to the Royalist cause in Lancashire.
The manpower they represented could be replaced; more serious was the loss of their
officers. It has been estimated that between 41% and 50% of the Lancashire Royalist
officers saw service outside the county, compared with only 17% of the opponents.
(16) Whilst some of this service represented
the activities of Royalist "exiles" after the cause in Lancashire was lost, the drainage of
leadership which it caused was made more serious, particularly as the minor gentry from
whom they were mainly drawn had been less active and enthusiastic than their
Parliamentarian counterparts. (17) The
departure of so many of the activists not only made it less easy to enlist their remaining
tenants, but also led to a serious shortage of suitable officer material. It was probably
because of this that Derby's forces included a higher proportion of "plebeian" officers than
was usual in the Royalist armies. It has been reckoned that 54% of Derby's officers were
drawn from the upper class, whilst the remainder were of plebeian or doubtful origins.
(18) Unlike the Oxford Army, these officers
of more humble origin served with horse as well as foot, though none rose above the rank
of captain. Though some of these men, such as Captain William Kay (yeoman) and
Lieutenant Robert Walthew (yeoman and moneylender), both in the Lathom garrison, were competent and active, they generally lacked the previous military experience which would have been invaluable in shaping Derby's raw levies. Derby does seem to have made some attempt to remedy this lack by importing a few professional soldiers from elsewhere. One such was Major - General
Blair, a Scots professional who was Governor of Wigan in March 1643, and Captain (later
Major) William Farmer, military adviser to the Countess of Derby during the first siege
of Lathom.
The departure of the "Edgehill" regiments left Derby with a handful of
"volunteers", probably some of the two companies of foot and the "good troop of
horse" raised during the summer, initially for the defence of Lathom, (19) plus a force described as the "freehold band", probably consisting of local gentry and their tenants from that part of West Derby Hundred which was under Royalist control. The main Royalist objective during the early autumn was to seize control of the stores of confiscated Roman Catholic arms, and to establish garrisons in the key towns of Central and South Lancashire. In October the Parliamentarians estimated that the Royalists had a total of 1,000 men in 6 garrisons; 400 at Warrington, 300 in Preston, 200 at Wigan and the remainder at Ormskirk, Eccleston and Prcscot (around Derby's headquarters at Lathom. (20)
In November Royalist efforts received a marked impetus when Tyndesley and Molyneux returned to raise new regiments. The first fruits of their more professional approach were seen on 10th December, when the Royalists published a scheme for re-organising their war effort. The establishment of the Lancashire forces was fixed at 2,000 foot and 400 horse, and £ 8,000 was to be raised to support them, with collectors appointed for each hundred, and a co-ordinating committee set up in Preston. Rates of pay were set as follows (figures in brackets
are comparable rates in the Oxford Army) (21)
Foot:
Horse:
Dragoons:
This system never operated very well;
by the end of the year the actual Royalist
forces seem to have consisted of 900 foot,
300 dragoons and a troop of horse, divided up
between the garrisons of Warrington, Wigan
and Preston. They included two Welsh
companies, possibly of Sir Thomas Salisbury's Denbighshire
Regiment (later part of the Liverpool
garrison). The Wigan garrison was weak,
whilst that of Warrington lacked arms.
(22)
Shortage of arms and powder seems to
have been a constant problem for Derby's
forces. It is unlikely that any supplies from
Royalist forces elsewhere ever reached them,
and there is evidence to suggest that the
proportion of musketeers in even the best of
Derby's units was on the low side. In March
1643, of Girlington's and Tyldesley's 600
men (who had been partly raised in
Yorkshire) only about 50% were musketeers.
In the rest of Derby's foot, the proportion
was probably lower. Some weapons were
manufactured locally. In February 1643 some
of the Royalists in the assault on Bolton were
armed with a weapon new to their
opponents; "All head of about a quarter of a
yard long, a staffe of two yards long or more,
put into that head, twelve iron pikes round
about, and one in the end to stab with. This
fierce weapon (to double their scorn) they
called a Roundheaad."
(23)
More Derby: 1642, Battle of Sabden Brook, Prince Rupert's Campaign
This article appears in MagWeb (Magazine Web) on the Internet World Wide Web. |