Part I

After a final meeting with the "Friends of Durruti". where we managed to persuade them to carry on in clandestinity, Clara and I returned home. The two nights which we had just passed, without having had enough food or sleep, had exhausted us, and we only wanted to do one thing: rest. Moulin found a bed with some Anarchist friends. We could hear, here and there, the sound of rifles. In resuming to our flat we crossed the Plaza de Cataluna, where we saw the Communists leaving the Hotel Colon, from where they were trying to reach the Telephone Exchange. A huge gun battle began. On all sides, panic stricken people were trying to find cover and safety. We threw ourselves behind the tables and chairs of a restaurant, but it wasn't a good place to take cover.

"Quickly, get under the porch opposite! I shouted into Clara's ear, "There are already some people refuging there, I've still got some grenades on me, in case they get too close."

In a few bounds, Clara was underneath the porch, behind the door. A few minutes later it was my turn. But when I reached the door, it wouldn't open! I banged on the door, whilst at the same time I could hear Clara arguing and fighting with the others who were afraid and refused to open the door. Bullets were passing close to me, and it was with much relief that I edged my way behind the door that Clara had finally managed to open. A dozen men and woman were pressed behind the entrance, half dead with fear, and waiting for the end of the combat, which didn't take long to die down.

At last we could continue on our route. As Helmut Rudiger's (Secretary of the AIT/IWA) villa was locked, we had to knock at the door and wake up Fritzchen; this had the effect of waking up the owners, who received us very coldly... Our presence in their house repressed, it is true, a danger to their personal safety. But Fritzchen used his abilities of persuasion and they were finally calmed into letting us stay.

After a good rest, we returned into town that afternoon. The fighting was over, barricades were being demolished, and, miraculously, the trams were running again! On the Ramblas, under the cover of the trees, people were discussing the events. In front of the Hatel Falcon, Kurt Landau, Max Diamant and Willy Brandt were arguing over the meaning ofthe events. Some people were arguing that the struggle had taken on a new revolutionary aspect, while others, more sceptically, were thinking exactly the contrary, which was our judgement as well. We were convinced that a cloud of repression would soon follow. While we were talking, the noise of the government troops reached us, marching in perfect order with new uniforms and perfectly armed. They descended the main road and approached us. Our group rapidly dispersed with their advance.

We accidentally bumped into an English journalist that we knew. He was eager for information and above all wanted to speak with a leader ofthe POUM We therefore accompanied him to the offices of the organisation's daily paper, La Batalla. During the troubles, a Stalinist squad had succeeded in entering and sacking the place. In the middle of all the ripped up newspapers, broken chairs, and overtumed tables, sat the editor in chief, Julian Gorkin, who was tapping away with zeal on his typewriter.

He knew us and was willing to share with us his opinions on the events.

We indicated with our hands the mess, and he said to us "You see what happened here, but there's nothing to really say about it. The situation is totally clear at the moment. In the last two days we've been recruiting many new members. It's only a question of time, in several days the POUM will re-enter the Popular govenment, and the Communists won't be able to prevent it. They will have to accept us."

We take our leave from him, very concerned by his affirmations. In going out, the English journalist asked us "Where does he get his confidence from?"

The next day, Julian Gorkin and the majority of the POUM were arrested and imprisoned. Andreu Nin was taken by the Stalinists, no-one knew where.

Moulin, who had been searching for us for some hours, wanted to take us to a meeting of a Trotskyist group an invitation which we turned down. But he affirmed that it would be a unique meeting, as Erwin Wolf, Trotsky's secretary at this time, had just arrived in Barcelona, and he urgently wanted to talk to us, so we accepted in the end.

The meeting took place in a somber cafe in the Barrio Chino. Three people were waiting for us: Erwin Wolf, his wife, and Munis, a Spaniard. The first was of Czech origin aged about 35, conversant in many languages, and remarkably intelligent. His wife, a beautiful Norwegian of extraordinary freshness, had very, but magnificent red hair, and a typical Scandinavian complexion. During the civil war, Trotsky was in Norway living with a Socialist professor and his family, and he worked there with Wolf. The latter had fallen in love with the daughter of this family, and had married her. The small village, situated in a suburb of the capital, was called Honefoss.

We had heard of Munis as being the head of the Spanish Trotskyists. When the war began, he was in Mexico and didn't reach Spain without difficulty. He was a hard man, daring and cold, who made it clear by his manner that he wouldn't let anyone prevent him from imposing his views.

Both wanted to know what we thought of the May Days, and our thoughts on the future. We expounded our point of view, without mincing our words, we explained the hegemony of the Stalinists, that the Anarchists were checked, and the hesitant actions of the POUM. The May Days for us represented the last revolutionary blaze. The disarmament of the workers and the suppression of the Control Patrols was a sign of the impending terror. Our general impression was that the revolution had been repulsed and a "bourgeois" republic was being set up under the aegis of Stalin.

Wolf listened attentively to our explanations, but Munis interrupted us many times. Neither of them agreed with our opinions. According to them, we were in a period of ascending revolution. The proof was that the May Days had shown the world the unwavering spirit of the workers and their capacity to defend themselves. There only remained to win some more ground and the Caballero government, already very weak, would be easily overthrown.

"The government cannot last much longer, but if it is overthrown, it will be by the right and not by the left," I replied. Both of them had certainly agreed on their opinions with the Trotskyist group before our arrival, and Wolf loyally reflected the ideas of his master, even if he did explain them far more diplomatically than Munis.

The latter attacked me "If you don't belong to the IVth International anymore, where do you place yourself?"

"I couldn't really say. All that I know, I've seen with my own eyes. The May Days in which we've just participated, was the Spanish Kronstadt*, and it symbolises its decline."

*The Kronstadt revolt near Leningrad in March 1921, against the Bolsheviks by pro-revolutionary sailors, was ruthlessly crushed on the orders of Trotsky, hence Munis' bad reaction to any mention of Kronstadt.

The muscles on Munis' face contracted and we could hear him grinding his teeth: "I see that you are nothing but naive Anarchists. It is fortunate that you have made yourselves clear, for Bolsheviks don't work with jokes like you."

Moulin, who had kept quiet until then, entered the discussion: "What is actually happening cannot be compared with Kronstadt. The historical parallels are false. On the other hand, it is true to say that the events have been a defeat of the revolutionary forces and that they must expect a strong repression. I am all the same convinced that it will only be short lived, and after the reflux, the flow of revolution will continue. Not a single concrete proposition came from this meeting, and it was significant that everyone left to find themselves comfortable and safe accommodation.