Taken from P. & C. Thalmann's book "Combats Pour La Liberte"

The Formation of the Friends of Durruti

Moulin was in close contact with the "Friends of Durruti". This group, small but active, openly opposed the policy of the Anarchist leaders. Their criticism was directed in particular against the participation of their comrades in the government and their continual side-stepping from the provocations by the Stalinists.

It was thus that they had themselves rendered powerless the committees and renounced the revolutionary gains. Moulin was of the opinion that the best policy was to return to traditional Anarchist politics, giving them a positive and concrete substance. In the midst of unending nightly discussions, he had succeeded in reducing the instinctive Anarchist distrust of Marxists and had convinced them to collaborate together.

The activator of the "Friends of Durruti", the Anarchist Balius, who was well known in Barcelona, was incapacitated at the time with polio and could only walk with difficulty with the aid of crutches. From our first meeting with him and his friends, you've noticed that he had a talent for human relations.

Situation

His evaluation of the situation was thus: in participating in the Popular Front government, the Anarchist leaders had left the ways of revolutionary Anarcho-Syndicalism and had become the accomplices of Communist strategy. The only issue according to him was the re-establishment of the power and sovereignty of the Committees. Furthermore, they had to do away with the Catalan government with Companys at its head, and reorganise the militias.

It was on this basis that they seize power, in Catalonia and Aragon, and in the area of Valencia, where the Anarchists were still very-powerful, to then negotiate with the central government and make contact with all the revolutionary tendencies who were opposed to the interference of the Communists in Spain. Balius was convinced that in acting thus, from the Catalan bastion, it would be possible to give the whole country new revolutionary impulses. The influence of Moulin could be seen clearly in these ideas.

The weak name of the "Friends of Durruti" was compensated for by their large influence in the Libertarian Youth (Federacion Iberica de Juventudes Libertarias) which, for a long time, had been in a struggle to the death with the PSUC (Partido Socialista Unificado de Cataluna). To every assassination of one of its members, or to every attack upon one of their meeting places, he responded with attacks on Communist officials or their barracks. Due to their energetic and active defense measures, the official direction had lost all control over the youth organisation which nad moved further over to the left and which was ripe for revolutionary action.

May Day

The Communists wanted at all costs to celebrate the first year of war on the 1st May with the Anarchists, but they didn't have much success, despite all the efforts they put in. Due to the military precautions, these festivities could only take place at night, that is to say that the day could not be celebrated. Behind this decision by the Communists, was their fear that the Anarchist workers would use the day not to rest but to demonstrate. The differences between the two camps were such that even their common hatred of Franco barely kept them apart.

Moulin, some of the "Friends of Durruti" and ourselves, produced a leaflet which we wanted to distribute in front of the places where there would be festivities. In this we denounced the Stalinist policies, as much as the hesitant attitude of the Anarchists and the POUM. Accompanied by Moulin and Bob, an American Trotskyist, I went to distribute these leaflets in the industrial suburbs of Sabadell. Moulin didn't agree with my proposition to wait until the end of the festivities before distributing the tracts. He started straight-away, while Bob and I waited to see what happened after a couple of minutes.

We saw some men come out of the meeting, looking at Moulin critically. Then they went to fetch some reinforcements, and in the blink of an eye, our friend was encircled by armed men who took his leaflets. Bob, who was well built and quick thinking, threw himself into the fight, insulting the men in English, but he only succeeded in putting himself in the same position as Moulin.

I had remained unobserved and profited from the commotion to quietly distribute my tracts. During the brawl, I managed to understand that they were taking my friends to the local Town Hall. I headed in that direction, but I found nothing but locked doors. What could I do? The last trauma for Barcelona was due to depart in a few minutes. Having decided to do all I could to liberate my comrades the following morning, I resumed home. Early the next morning, I went to see Andreu Nimto inform him of the incident.

Surprise

What a great surprise I had when I found him in heated discussion with Moulin and Bob! They had been lucky: the Town Hall was in the hands of oppositional Anarchists, with whom they spent the night in discussion before they were finally put up in a hotel. These comrades put them on their guard against the Stalinists and in particular against OGPU agents, with whom they'd already had many clashes. But Nin warned us to be cautious, for although he had some reserves about party policy, he didn't take our criticisms too well. This small incident did however show us just how threatened the Anarchists felt themselves to be, even in their home territory of Catalonia.

Although they were organised in common, the celebrations of the 1st May could not hide the existing conflict. For a long time already, the Control Patrols of the Anarchists and POUM had considerably annoyed the Stalinists. These Security forces in the rear areas were formed to combat Fascist elements or sabotage, and were perfectly armed and trained.

The fact that they consisted exclusively of Anarchists and members of the POUM (the PSUC and other Republican elements not being represented) worried the Communist leaders considerably. With the support of the Generalitat, they demanded the dissolution of these patrols and their replacement with the official Police force. This undisguised aggression against the last bastions of the revolutionary period created a lot of discontent and increased tensions. Everyone felt that the political atmosphere was charged with electricity and awaited the spark that would ignite the powder keg. The short circuit surprised us by how quickly it came.

The 3rd Of May

On the 3rd May, Clara and me had a rendezvous with Moulin, who was already waiting, in the P1aza Cataluna. In front of the entrance to the Central Telephone Exchange, on the comer with the Ramblas de las Flores, were a group of Civil Guards who seemed confused. They were soon encircled by the passers by, who, both in Spanish and Catalan, engaged them in a passionate debate. It emerged that these Guards had received the orders to occupy the building, but that Anarchist militiamen who worked there were preventing them. At the top ofthe stairs into the building could be seen the militiamen calmly planted behind a machine-gun.

The crowd rapidly grew in size and the Guards were quickly surrounded and threatened by armed workers. It was obvious that a single shot would have started a fight: it was the spark that everyone was waiting for. As the offices ofthe FAI were nearby in the Via Layetana, I sent Clara there to inform the committee and to find someone in a position of responsibility.

First Shots

The first shots had been fired before she resumed. The crowd scattered and the Civil Guards took shelter in the porch of the Telephone Exchange. As if someone had given the order, the shutters of all the neighbouring shops and restaurants were shut at once. At the windows of the Hotel Colon, the offices of the Communists, sandbags miraculously appeared. Clearly, the zero hour had come. As Clara resumed with an official of the FAI, the fire was raging, and everywhere barricades were being erected. The exchange of fire was particularly heavy between the Hotel Colon and the Telephone Exchange. Individuals had taken up positions on the roofs of houses, and in the buildings around the Hotel Colon, from where they were firing at the Stalinists.

A general strike started spontaneously, without having been called by any political or union organisations. The tramways were immobilised in the middle of the street, and wherever seemed appropriate they were used as barricades. In all the streets of Barcelona, and at the important crossroads, barricades were sprouting out of the ground like mushrooms!

The attempt to occupy the Telephone Exchange was seen by the population as a provocation, and their patience had been exhausted. No one knew if it was an initiative taken by the government or an attack ordered by the StaIinists. For a long time, the Telephone Exchange, under the control of the CNT-FAI, had become a point of discord between the government and the Anarchists.

For its communications with the outside world, the government had to use the Exchange and to avoid having its calls interfered with by the Anarchists, it found the following solution: the wife of the Foreign Minister, Alvarez de Vayo, who was totally devoted to the Stalinist cause was Swiss. Her sister was married to the Republic's Ambassador in Pans, Araquistain. To avoid having their calls listened into, the two sisters would talk in their native dialect.

Unclear Situation

The situation was totally unclear. This spontaneous revolt, directed against the Stalinist organisations, hit them like a storm. In all of Catalonia, the Committees retook power with the support of the Control Patrols. The officers of the Popular Arrny who were caught walking the streets were disarmed by the crowd and chased away. In taking part in this game we often came across Anarchist comrades from Pina.

They participated actively in the disarmaments, building barricades, occupying buildings opposite the Stalinist barracks, and exchanging shots with their occupants. At night it was difficult to see who was firing at who, or to recognise friendly and enemy barricades. In the noise of combat, loud speakers broadcast die news and Anarchist songs.

According to the news and the sounds of combat, the revolt was spread over the whole of Catalonia. The party's buildings as well as the Communist and Civil Guard barracks were all surrounded and besieged by the insurgents. From the Aragon front, militia units were en route for Barcelona. The Valencian government had not yet reacted.

We spent the first night behind the large barricade on the Rambla de las Flores, exchanging shots with a group of Civil Guards in the Moka Cafe. When the fire ceased, we discussed with the workers the meaning and goal of the struggle. They were proud of their spontaneous action.

Behind the Barricades Part Two