The Norwegian Invasion
of England

September 1066

by William Bakken


When King Edward of England died on January 5, 1066 without a clearly designated successor, three challengers, King Harold Hardrada of Norway, Duke William of Normandy, and Harold Godwinsson of England claimed the crown. The result of their struggle in the fall of 1066 determined that England would be joined to the continent rather than remain in the Scandinavian sphere of influence. The Battle of Hastings in the south finally made William of Normandy the king of England, but events in the north before he landed may have assured his victory.

Harold Hardrada based his claim to the English crown on that of his nephew Magnus with whom he had shared the kingdom of Norway from 1045 until Magnus' death in 1047. [1]

Magnus had become king of Norway in 1035 at the request of the Norwegian nobility, replacing Svein Cnutsson whom they ejected. This action led to war with Denmark, whose king was Svein's half-brother, Harthacnut. In 1037 or 1038, a peace treaty was negotiated between Magnus and Harthacnut. In this treaty, they agreed that if either died without a male heir, the other would have his land and subjects. [2]

When Harthacnut died in 1042, he had no male heir and was king of both Denmark and England. Magnus could not immediately claim the crown of England because his rule in Denmark was challenged by Svein Ulfsson, Harthacnut's cousin. [3] This is verified in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle record for 1046 which states that Edward gathered a large naval force at Sandwich on the southeastern coast of England because of a threat from Magnus, but war between Magnus and Svein prevented an attack on England. [4]

In 1049, Svein requested English aid in the form of 50 ships to assist his fight with Harold Hardrada, but was refused. A Norwegian naval attack on England led by Harold's son Magnus in 1058 was probably a probe to test its defenses. [5] After Magnus' death, Hardrada continued the war with Svein until 1064 when they negotiated a peace. [6] This peace treaty gave Harold freedom for his attempt to seize the English crown in 1066. In the meantime, he applied himself to restoring order in his Norwegian kingdom, "laying about him robustly, . . . cuffing upstarts and confiscating lands at will". [7]

On his deathbed, Edward offered his hand to Harold Godwinsson and said, "I commend this woman (his wife, Edith) and all the kingdom to your protection". [8] A will of this type, declared on the deathbed, was not unusual at the time and was considered completely valid. [9] Harold and the Anglo-Saxon witan understood Edward to mean that he was naming Harold as his successor. He was approved by the witan and crowned king the day after Edward died.

William of Poitiers, a Norman writing after William's conquest accepted that Edward had bequeathed the kingdom to Harold, but Norman sources generally deny this, or claim that Harold's previous oaths to William made him ineligible for the English crown. [10] Harold Godwinsson's position in England was weakened by a revolt in Northumbria against his brother Tostig in 1065. [12] At that time, Harold was forced to accept Tostig's outlawing and Morcar, the son of the previous earl, was given command of the territory. [11]

Tostig attacked the south coast of England and briefly occupied Sandwich on the coast of Kent in May of 1066. This action induced Harold to prepare for an invasion. [13] The English fleet and army were called out and were kept in a state of readiness throughout the summer and fall. When provisions ran out early in September, Harold released the army and sent the fleet to London. On the way, a storm destroyed many of his ships, leaving the channel free for William. [14]

Meanwhile, Tostig went to Harold Hardrada in Norway and promised to help him take England. Hardrada gathered a fleet of nearly 240 war ships with accompanying supply ships. When he left Norway, he placed his son, Magnus, in charge, taking his other son Olaf, his queen Elizabeth and his two daughters with him. [15] Bringing his family indicates the seriousness of Harold's intentions. He expected to stay in England. Hardrada first landed in the Orkney Islands where he left his wife and daughters and picked up additional support. Both of the Orkney earls, Paul and Erlend went south with him. [16]

In Scotland, Tostig joined the fleet with additional reinforcements raising its total strength to about 300 ships with an estimated 9000 men. [17]

The northerly wind that kept William's fleet in France, now drove the Norwegians down the east coast of England. In Yorkshire, Hardrada's forces harried Cleveland, burned Scarborough and took control of Holderness at the mouth of the Humber. [18] The few English ships in the Humber turned up the Ouse, entered the Wharfe and anchored at Tadcaster. To prevent them from interfering with his operations, Harold anchored his fleet at Riccall on the Ouse, about three miles below its confluence with the Wharfe. [19]

The Northern English earls, Morcar of Northumbria and Edwin of Mercia, chose to block the only road between the Norwegian army and York at Gate Fulford, two miles south of York. The armies met there on Wednesday, September 20. [20] After a hard battle in which both sides suffered heavy losses, the English army broke and fled, resulting in many men being drowned while trying to get away. [21] The northern sagas also record that Earl Morcar was killed in this battle. [22]

York was treated very mildly by Harold after the battle at Gate Fulford, possibly because he planned to use it for winter quarters. [23] The city was not sacked and Harold did not even leave an occupation force. [24] The Yorkists made peace and promised to support Harold in his conquest of the south. They also provided provisions for the Norwegian army and the surviving English nobles in York gave hostages to assure their support. [25]

The sources do not agree on what happened next. Some say Harold Hardrada returned to his ships and others imply that he marched his army directly to Stamford Bridge, six miles east of York. [26] We know that he was at Stamford Bridge on Monday, September 25, probably to collect hostages from the rest of Yorkshire before proceeding south. [27]

It is not clear when King Harold of England first received word of the Norwegian army in the North. It is clear that he made a forced march north, picking up reinforcements on the way. His army reached Tadcaster, about nine miles south of York on the evening of September 24. [28] The next morning, he marched to York and pressed on to Stamford Bridge.

Overconfidence was a problem for Harold Hardrada in this campaign. The sight of the marching army's dust rising from the road was the first indication he had that an English army was near. [29] Hardrada's failure to garrison York and to place scouts for advance notice of people approaching his position at Stamford Bridge both contributed to his eventual defeat. In addition, the sagas indicate that the Norwegians at Stamford Bridge did not bring their brynies, the hard leather jackets used as armor, and only carried their swords, spears and shields because it was a hot day. [30] This was probably just a device used by the saga writers to explain the magnitude of Harold's defeat.

We know very little about the actual battle. The northern sagas give detailed descriptions, but they were written about one hundred years after the event and are essentially historical fiction. It appears that Harold Hardrada chose to form his army on high ground, letting the English cross the river thus forcing them to fight uphill with their backs to the water. [31] The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle story of the single Norwegian defending the bridge against the English army only makes sense as a berserker given permission to die gloriously. Hardrada would have had time to form a strong guard if he had chosen to defend the bridge. [32]

After a stubborn battle, Harold Hardrada was killed, traditionally by an arrow in the throat. [33] The Norwegian army, including reinforcements sent from the ships at Riccall, was annihilated, either in the battle or the pursuit that followed. [34] The losses were not all on the side of the Norwegians. The Anglo-Saxon chronicle reports that King Harold of Norway and Tostig were killed in the battle, "and numberless people with them, both Normen and English". [35]

Harold Godwinsson accepted a truce with Harold Hardrada's son, Olaf, an unnamed Norwegian bishop and the Orkney Earls who had been left as ship guard, along with any Norwegians that had escaped the battle. [36] They were allowed to leave after they had given pledges not to attack England again. The magnitude of the Norwegian losses is indicated by their return home in 24 ships, a loss of about ninety per cent of the original invading force. [37] It was a full generation before Norwegian forces attacked England again and then their attacks were nuisance raids, not a serious invasion.

One year after Stamford Bridge, Harold Hardrada's body was brought from England and was buried in St. Mary's Church, which he had founded at Nidaros. The effect of this defeat on Harold's son, Olaf, is perhaps indicated by his Norwegian designation, Olaf Kyrre, Olaf the Peaceful. On Wednesday, September 27, the wind shifted and the Norman fleet left their ports for England where they disembarked without opposition at Pevensey the next day. Harold Godwinsson was at York when he heard of the Norman landing in the south. Within thirteen days, he traveled one hundred ninety miles to London, organized a new army and brought that army another fifty miles to Battle, near Hastings, where he was defeated and killed along with much of his army. [38]

Harold Godwinsson's disposition to attack opponents at the earliest possible moment was successful at Stamford Bridge. This may have made him overconfident at Hastings where he challenged William before many of the forces available to him could be gathered. [39] The same charge could be made with respect to Stamford Bridge, the difference was that there he was successful.

The battles at Gate Fulford and Stamford Bridge ended the last major Scandinavian attempt to control England and had a significant effect on later developments. The heavy English losses in both battles prevented the Northern Earls from providing effective aid to Harold at the Battle of Hastings. [40]

In addition, these losses may have prevented a northern stand against William in 1066 and weakened northern resistance during the Northumbrian uprising in 1069.

NOTES

[1] Magnus Magnusson, Vikings!, (New York: Dutton, 1980), p. 300.
[2] Gwyn Jones, A History of the Vikings, (London: Oxford University Press, 1968), p. 400.
[3] Ibid, p. 403.
[4] Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, According to the Several Original Authorities, trans. and ed. Benjamin Thorpe, Rolls Series no. 23, (London: Her Majesties Stationery Office, 1861; repr., Weisbaden: Kraus Reprint, 1964), p. 134.
[5] Ibid, p. 158.
[6] Jones, History, pp. 406-8.
[7] Magnusson, Vikings, p. 303.
[8] Vita Edwardi Regis as quoted in Frank Barlow, Edward the Confessor, (Berkley: University of California Press, 1970), p. 249. The woman in Edward's request is his wife, Edith, who was also Harold's sister.
[9] Ibid. discusses the legality of these wills.
[10] Ibid, p. 252.
[11] B. V. Naylor, The Battle of Stamford Bridge, (Sand Hutton, York: Vicar's Press, 1988), pp. 3-4.
[12] F. M. Stenton, Anglo-Saxon England, 3d ed., The Oxford History of England, (Oxford: Clarendon, 1971), p. 579.
[13] Ibid, pp. 586-7.
[14] Ibid, p. 588; Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, pp. 165-7.
[15] Snorri Sturluson, From the Sagas of the Norse Kings, trans, Erling Monsen, (Oslo: Dreyers, 1984), pp. 341.
[16] G. W. Dasent, The Orkneyinger's Saga, (London: Her Majesties Stationery Office, 1894; repr., n.p.: Kraus, 1964), p. 62.
[17] This estimate is from Magnusson, Vikings, p. 300.
[18] Stenton, Anglo-Saxon England, p. 588.
[19] Naylor, Stamford Bridge, p. 5.
[20] Stenton, Anglo-Saxon England, p. 589.
[21] Magnusson, Vikings, p. 309.
[22] Dasent, Orkneyinger, p. 62; Snorri, Norse Kings, p. 344.
[23] Naylor, Stamford Bridge, p. 5.
[24] Magnusson, Vikings, p. 309.
[25] Stenton, Anglo-Saxon England, p. 589.
[26] Ibid. and Magnusson, Vikings, p. 309. make no mention of the ships and seem to indicate that Harold went directly to Stamford Bridge. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, p. 168. and Snorri, Norse Kings, pp. 344-6. specifically state that he went to the ships first. Snorri further states that Harold left one-third of his army as ship guard.
[27] Stenton, Anglo-Saxon England, p. 589.
[28] Ibid. states that Harold received news of the Norwegians when they landed at Riccall, Magnusson, Vikings, p. 309. indicates it was when news of Gate Fulford reached London, while Naylor, Stamford Bridge, p. 7. states that Harold first heard of the invasion in the north when he got word of the Scarborough attack on Sept 10 or 12. An army on forced march can probably cover thirty five to forty miles a day assuming that they marched at military double time. One hundred twenty three-foot steps per minute for ten hours with five minutes rest per hour yields 37.3 miles per day. Confirming this estimate, we know that on September 25, the English army marched from Tadcaster through York to Stamford Bridge, a distance of fifteen miles in about half a day. At that rate, Harold would need to have left London on September 19 to be in Tadcaster, 180 miles away via the Roman Road, Ermine Street, on the 24th. By Stenton's own estimate for the time it took news of William's landing to travel north to York, Stenton, Anglo-Saxon England, 592., news of the landing at Riccall would not have reached London until Sept 19 or 20. While that would allow time for a march to Tadcaster, it would require that the army be ready to march immediately and would not allow time to gather forces on the way. It is likely that Naylor is correct that news of the actions on the coast of Yorkshire was received in London about September 12. Harold could have rightly assumed Hardrada's first target would be York and could have sent messengers to command the army to gather at London and points along Ermine Street. Then, when he received word of the landing at Riccall, he could have started with the men gathered in London, picking up those that had reached other assembly points as he moved north.
[29] Naylor, Stamford Bridge, p. 7.
[30] Snorri, Norse Kings, pp. 344-6.
[31] Contrary to Jones, History, pp. 412-3. and Stenton, Anglo-Saxon England, p. 590. Harold was an experienced general and would have had a strong guard on the bridge if he had wanted to defend it. He had every reason to want to fight a decisive battle rather than just keep the English away from his position. With the advantage of high ground and the threat of the river at the back of his opponents, Hardrada had a good chance for a decisive victory.
[32] Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, p. 168.
[33] Jones, History, pp. 412-3.
[34] Ibid.; Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, p. 166.
[35] Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, p. 168.
[36] Dasent, Orkneyinger, p. 63; Stenton, Anglo-Saxon England, p. 590.
[37] Stenton, Anglo-Saxon England, p. 590.; Jones, History, pp. 413-4.
[38] Stenton, Anglo-Saxon England, pp. 592-3.
[39] Ibid, p. 592.
[40] Ibid, pp. 590-1.

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY

Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, According to the Several Original Authorities. trans. and ed. Benjamin Thorpe. Rolls Series no. 23. London: Her Majesties Stationery Office, 1861; repr. Weisbaden: Kraus Reprint, 1964.
Barlow, Frank. Edward the Confessor. Berkley: University of California Press, 1970.
Dasent, G. W. Icelandic Sagas: The Orkneyingers' Saga. London: Her Majesties Stationery Office, 1894; repr., Kraus Reprint, 1964.
Jones, Gwyn. A History of the Vikings. London: Oxford University Press, 1968.
Magnusson, Magnus. Vikings!. New York: Dutton, 1980.
Naylor, B. V. The Battle of Stamford Bridge: 25th September 1066. Sand Hutton, York: Vicar's Press, 1988.
Stenton, Frank M. Anglo-Saxon England. 3d ed. The Oxford History of England. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1971.
Sturluson, Snorri. From the Sagas of the Norse Kings. Trans. Erling Monsen. Oslo: Dreyers, 1984.


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