An hour after dawn, the scouts returned to the fortified camp of the Consul Flaminius. Their report was brief and quickly relayed to Roman commander through a number of subordinate officers. Satisfied that he need not make any changes in his battle plans nor order of march, the Consul gave orders for the legions to move.
An hour after the scouts returned, the four legions under Consul Flaminius were arrayed on the plain which fronted the southern side of the ridge called Cynoscephalae. It was a traditional Republican Roman deployment: the Italian legions-of which there were two, were deployed on the left and right ends of the line. The two Roman legions occupied the center. A contingent of hoplites, light troops and cavalry from the Aetolian League took station on the far right of the field. This only made good tactical sense, as the hoplite phalanx would not be well-suited for maneuver or combat on the chosen battleground.
Gabinius took a few moments to adjust the fit of his helmet; he wiped the condensation that had formed while he stood with the other soldiers in his maniple. Even though he was stationed in the third rank, he could make out the ground to the front of their lines and the ridge in the distance, covered by patches of mist though it was. Gabinius could not see any enemy formation, but knew that this would change before too long. He glanced to his right, catching the eye of his childhood friend Publius, who stood nearby, though in the last rank of the formation. Each man (though both only in their 18th year of life) nodded to the other and then turned to face the front. The order had been given and the drums and horns signaled the advance. Gahinius, Publius and over 8,000 other legion infantry picked up their shields and pila, and as one, began to advance toward the ridge. Flanking this body, an additional 10,000 Italian infantry repeated the movement and began a steady march.
On the other side of that dominating piece of terrain, roughly 16,000 phalangites picked up their large, round shields and sarissas, and commenced a similar march.
In less than an hour, the light elements of each side had moved quite forward of the main bodies; the slope and rough ground of the ridge not affecting their rate of advance. To their rear, and on each side of the ridge, the heavy infantry maintained their lines and marched in a more deliberate manner. Both commanders were dissatisfied with the nature of the field; Philip perhaps more so. I lowever, as waiting for the other side to cross the ridge and give battle was tantamount to handing over any and all initiative, both commanders balanced the risk posed by the terrain against the disorder that would result in their forces by moving over that same ground.
At mid morning, the first casualties fell on the ridge of Cynoscephalae. A unit of slingers in front of the rightmost Italian legion loosed a shower of stones on a peltast unit in a light division on the Macedonian left. The sound produced by of a couple hundred egg-shaped projectiles against shields and light armor could be heard at some distance along the ridge line. When stone meets flesh however, the sound is muted-sickening for lack of a better word-but the results are indisputable. The peltasts absorbed the initial shock and continued their advance, though with several score less men in the ranks.
Somewhat unsettled by the nature of the ground but more so by the patches of mist along the ridge (the appearance of a large body of enemy peltasts did not help), the Roman light troops paused to reorient themselves and wait for the legions to catch up. The light divisions of Philip's force took advantage of this delay, and pushed forward through the mist and over or onto the heights of the ridge. From this vantage, they could see the whole of the Roman army: four orderly blocks of men deployed into smaller blocks. On the far right of this display, a contingent in different dress and formation. These were the troops of the Aetolian League.
The quick marching of the Macedonian light infantry froze their Roman counter parts in place. What little movement there was consisted of reordering the lines and readying javelins, arrows and slings for an exchange at fairly close range. Stationed between the right Roman and Allied legions, the elephants of Flaminius's army advanced and gained the first slope of the ridge line. The nature of the terrain prevented the beasts from closing immediately on the Thracian light units to their right front. However, the pachyderms and supporting lights were getting in position. With the skirmishers and velites so occupied, the heavy infantry of the legions began to reduce the distance between the respective lines. The Romans directly in front of the Consul
Flaminius reached the ridge line while the other three legions had not. (Also due to the nature of the terrain.) The commanders of each legion and of each line were careful however, to keep regular spacing between the maniples. On the far left of the Roman deployment, a wing of Italian heavy cavalry had moved up onto the ridge and sighted the small division of Levy troops with skirmishers attached. These infantry were just entering the rough terrain of the ridge, away from the Roman forces.
Their missiles being readied, the light troops of each side proceeded to hurl stones, loose arrows and throw javelins. For all the missiles going back and forth, the damage done was minimal. just three units (two from the Roman side of the field) took casualties. One of these was a unit of Velites in front of the leftmost legion, and was dispersed as a result of losses. At the other end of the line, a unit of Aetolian peltasts was hit by a shower of javelins. The elephants were subjected to a similar shower, but escaped due to some very poor javelin throwing. (Die throwing as well!) In the first true exchange of missile fire by the opposing hosts, losses were even: the Romans had scored two against the Macedonians and had taken two hits in response.
Recovering from the brashness of Macedonian advance, the Romans regained the initiative and turned their attention to the flanks. On the left, the Italian cavalry moved down the reverse slope to engage the Allied levy and light troops of the Macedonian right. On the opposite end of the line, the Aetolian peltasts threw themselves against a line of Thracians. The second division of peltasts maneuvered around the end of this line and threatened the left of Nicanor's phalanx. The response was swift however, for the Macedonian heavy horse protecting this body charged into the Aetolians. At other points of the line, the light troops were joined in melee as well.
The elephants charged into the skirmishers to their right front. To the right of this combat, another unit of Thracians had moved up to take on the Hastati of the first Italian legion. Back to the other side, where Philip's phalanx was considering the very difficult ground ahead, the mercenary peltasts and skirmishers of the two legions engaged in a running fight.
It was no contest on the Roman far left. The Italian heavy horse destroyed the two skirmisher units and inflicted some loss on the levy infantry who managed to hold. It was likewise no contest when the elephants ran over a unit of skirmishers in the left-center of the Macedonian line. On the Roman infantry left however, the light troops fought one another to a stand still. On the Roman right, this was were the most blood was spilled. The Macedonian cavalry crashed into the Aetolian light troops, inflicting significant loss on each unit. The Thracians, using the terrain and their agility to every advantage, gave the Hastati a sound thrashing in the first few minutes of melee. Three BP of Italian allied infantry fell at the javelin points and swords of these light troops.
Against the other division of Aetolians the Thracians were successful as well: here, they inflicted a point of damage to each unit. At the conclusion of the first real turn of close combat, the Macedonians had lost more units than the Romans. The light troops were expendable, however. It was with the heavy infantry that ground would he held or lost, and in this respect, at least this early in the battle, the Macedonians seemed to have an upper hand. The packmen in Nicanor's phalanx were fresh and at full-strength. The same could not he said of the Italian Hastati.
The melees between the light forces of each army continued into the next phase of battle, and so there was very little missile fire. In the center, Velites of the rightmost Roman legion scored a hit against the peltast unit holding the highest ground in the center of the ridge. Mercenaries on the left of the Macedonian hurled javelins into the advancing ranks of Hastati, but given the range and protection afforded by the shields and terrain, these missiles proved more an irritant than an actual hazard.
The Roman-Allied advantage with respect to initiative continued in this phase. too. The phalanx of the Aetolian League advanced slowly, gaining the first contour of the ridge line. The supporting heavy cavalry of this contingent remained in reserve, but also on the ridge: their commander waiting to see the result of the contest between the peltast division and Macedonian cavalry. The horsemen had other options as well. They could drive into the rear of the Macedonian position, then turn to take Nicanor's men from behind. They could also wheel to the left and charge into the enemy light units between the phalanxes. For the time being however, they did remain in place. While this indecision was going on, the peltasts recovered slightly from the attack of the Macedonians and inflicted serious losses on the troopers. Even with the advantage of the ground, it was a hard-fought and costly melee: one unit of peltast taking the brunt of the casualties and breaking as a consequence.
To the left of the Aetolian main force, the Italian Hastati were suffering more loss at the hands of the Thracian peltasts. In contrast to the first attack, where it had been a completely one-sided affair, the Italians fought back this turn. A unit of peltasts was broken and another roughly handled in the close combat. However, the Thracians were not going to give in that easily and stayed in the melee with the heavy infantry.
Like their Aetolian counterparts, the legions in the center of the Roman formation had gained the first contour of the ridge line. (Excepting the Triarii element of the right-hand legion, and this was due simply to the nature of the terrain.) To their front, the Velites launched two successful attacks against waiting enemy forces. On the difficult ground of the hillock in the center of the ridge, a unit of peltasts and archers were routed by the local offensive. To the right of this combat, a weakened unit of mercenary peltasts was also put to flight by swarming Velites.
The Italian legion at the left end of the Roman battle line fared better than its opposite. As with the other formations, this legion had also gained a foothold on the ridge line. The Hastati were eager to come to grips with the enemy and so, charged through their own light troops. (These men were dispersed by the heavier infantry.) A unit of mercenaries broke ranks and countercharged the Italians. The collision resulted in the loss of the front rank for both units. but the melee would continue. The melee between the Italian horse and levy infantry (behind and to the left of this encounter) continued as well. This time, it was the horsemen who took more hits. The same can be reported for the two other units of Italian cavalry that elected to charge the combined Thessalian and Macedonian cavalry wing. In the swirling combat between some 2.000 heavy horse, a large number Italians fell. However, just like their fellow soldiers who walked into battle carrying a shield and sword, these men quickly regrouped and continued the fight.
A "snap shot" of the action at this stage of the wargame reconstruction is depicted on Map II. The melee just reported, between the Italian heavy horse and their Macedonian/Thessalian foes, is taking place on the far end of the line at A. B points to the the continuing melee between another group of Italian horse and some stubborn mercenary levy in the employment of King Philip. The clash between legions and peltasts on the Macedonian right, C, is watched over by Philip himself and the main part of his phalanx, D.
The Consul Flaminius, F, occupies this side of the battlefield as well. E represents the rightmost Roman legion. The main body of this formation would go untouched for the engagement. The light troops and elephants to its front, would be heavily involved, however. Nicanor and his phalanx are indicated by G. Like Philip's formation, these men would play a supporting role in the battle. The Italians of the Roman right, H, are engaged against peltasts on this side of the field. The Aetolian contingent, I and J (phalanx and cavalry with peltasts, respectively), is facing off against more Macedonian light troops and the body of heavy horse posted to protect Nicanor's flank.
The exchange of javelins and arrows was limited in subsequent turns, as the majority of units were locked in melee. The velites of the right Roman legion did succeed in harassing the left most sub-unit of Philip's phalanx, however. Attempts by the Macedonian light units facing the Aetolian phalanx to cause similar problems were not effective. The Macedonians did regain the initiative at this point-Flaminius being somewhat removed from the front-and could only capitalize with regard to moving both phalanxes closer to the Roman lines. Due to the threat posed by the elephants, the right most unit of Nicanor's phalanx did not march at the same rate as the other units. In fact, what movement could be managed brought the packmen into contact with the elephants. Accordingly, the mahouts directed the beasts to oblige the attack. Over on the right of the line, Philip's men were forced to adjust their formation because of the terrain. Instead of presenting a line or wall of pikes and shields, the flank units had to draw hack and so, the phalanx took on the appearance of a kind of broad arrow point. The point of this human arrow aimed at the open space between the Roman and Italian legions deployed against them.
As the Aetolian cavalry delayed the decision of charging into the flank of the phalanx, the enemy light troops provided the answer. Yet another peltast unit joined the melee against the pressed Hastati of the right Italian legion. The nature of the ground allowed a skirmisher unit to descend upon the leftmost sub-unit of the Aetolian phalanx, and allowed an archer unit to wheel and spread out, thereby effectively closing the window the Aetolian cavalry had against Nicanor. The heavy horse did advance however, but into contact with "prepared" archers instead of surprised packmen. In the ranks of the un-engaged Hastati, one unit split from the formed division of Romans and moved forward to support the elephants. Once again, the terrain prevented the legionnaires from reaching the intended target. The Roman legion next to these men continued its forward movement and kept parade ground intervals; these men being unopposed by any enemy to their front. On the left of the Roman line, the two legions remained engaged with Macedonian light troops. The Italian Hastati "division" was able to maneuver up onto the difficult terrain of the west end of the ridge line, however. Like the legions on the other side of the field, these two formations were able to maintain some semblance of order: the Principes and Triarii advancing in unison.
As the fighting continued, the Romans and their allies found themselves more often than not, on the wrong end of the sword, spear or pike. Initially, things went well. Starting with the Italian heavy horse, the Thessalians were pushed back with loss and the mercenary levy were destroyed finally, for their stubbornness. The victorious cavalrymen moved forward with the intention of joining their brothers in the fight against the Macedonian horse. It was against the peltasts on the Roman left however, that things did not go so well. The Hastati of both legions were engaged and were paying dearly for the skill of the peltasts in this kind of terrain. No less than five BP had been lost in two turns of combat. While the Romans did reply in kind, the losses could be absorbed by the Macedonians. After all, these were just mercenaries and light troops. It would have been a different story had these losses been suffered by the phalanx.
Limited success was enjoyed on the Roman center-right, as the elephants walked into the Nicanor's phalanx and caused some damage there. The success was limited, for in the more important melee between the Thracians and Hastati, the Italians endured more losses: two of' their front-line units now at 50% strength. While one unit of peltasts was routed, these losses to the legion were unacceptable. The melee between the light troops and phalanx (Aetolian) was a stalemate. The archers, much to the surprise of Nicanor and to the chagrin of the Aetolian commander, inflicted some loss on the heavy cavalry. As if that were not insult enough, the Macedonian heavy horse finally broke through the peltasts on this end of the field and the subsequent follow up took them directly into the flank of the engaged Aetolian horse.
As the morning wore on, the velites of the un-engaged Roman legion continued to annoy the phalangites under the command of Philip. The velites dashed forward again and hurled light javelins into the massed formation, catching more men of the left most unit in unprotected regions. This would be the only exchange, one-sided at that, during this phase. All other units were either embroiled in hand-to-hand combats or out of range and ill-equipped besides.
The Macedonian host held the initiative into this phase and Nicanor wasted no more time in getting his phalanx forward. The one sub-unit was busy with the elephants on the right. Another two units "peeled off' and engaged the wayward Roman Hastati unit that had broken ranks earlier. The six remaining units advanced toward the hard-pressed Italian first line. dispersing the Thracian peltasts in the process. Seeing this evolution, the general of the legion ordered the Principes up to take the place of the blooded Hastati. The transition was performed flawlessly. In short order, three solid and fresh units of Italians were at the front and ready for the packmen. The remnants of the Hastati reorganized and recovered behind this line. In some respects, this was a bold move by Nicanor, for the Aetolian phalanx was off to his left front and with very little in its way.
The contest between archers (supporting cavalry) and cavalry continued; Nicanor betting on the fact that his men could hold against the Aetolians. Along other points of the line, the situation remained the same: peltasts were fighting against the legion infantry, and the cavalry combat in the right rear of the Macedonian position continued unabated. In this particular contest, veteran units from both sides faced one another and gave as good as they got with regard to casualties. The regular Italian horse however, suffered more losses this turn and were close to breaking. Macedonian luck (or skill?) held out in the melee pitting mercenary peltasts against the front ranks of Roman and Italian legions. Though the peltast units were all down to half-strength now, they gamely fought on and inflicted even more damage against the heavy infantry. Over toward the Roman right, the elephants charged again into the mass of packmen. This time, six fewer elephants came back than went forward. To the right of this mini-battle, the two sub-units of Nicanor's phalanx almost rolled over the one unit of Hastati that had stranded itself. The packmen inflicted two BP losses on this unit against the one taken in return.
This local success was countered by the sudden surge of the Aetolian heavy cavalry. Ilampered though these horsemen were by the terrain and the light archers to their front, they succeeded in routing these lower-class bowmen and then dealt a sharp blow to the disordered enemy cavalry on their flank. It was at this juncture too, that the first losses were suffered by the Aetolian phalanx. In the fight with the much more mobile skirmishers, the unit holding the left of the formation took several score casualties.
Back in the center of the field, the Roman velites of the "unopposed" legion continued to harass and rain javelins on the two units of Philip's main phalanx that had turned to face their tormentors. One unit of this small phalanx was very much reduced, as it had been under an almost constant attack by the velites. Fortunately for the Macedonians, this would prove the only casualties from missile fire taken at this point. Unfortunately for the Romans, their leaders and units were once more forced to react to the movements orchestrated by King Philip and his general, Nicanor.
First, Philip detached four units of his phalanx to deal with the Italian threat to his right. Elements of the Hastati line in this far-left legion had worked around the peltasts and had gained the higher ground on this end of the ridge line. He also ordered the two units detached from left of the main phalanx to rejoin the formation. The men obeyed, but this left them vulnerable to close assault by the velites, and the velites did indeed close in to try and eliminate the one weakened unit.
The combats to the front and left continued: these fights involving the cavalry of both sides and the frustrating contest between the Roman Hastati and mercenary peltasts to the front of Philip's position. The Roman legion to the right of all this made more progress onto the main part of the ridge. Two units of Hastati moved up on the same hillock where the velites were swarming over the front and flank of an exposed unit of packmen. The line of Principes and the general of this legion advanced onto the second slope of the ridge. Moving up as well, were the Roman knights (heavy horse), who had originally been deployed between this legion and the allied legion on the far right of the line. And it was against this allied legion that Nicanor launched his main attack. Five units of packmen completed their move off the slope and ran into the relieving lines of Principes. Though both sides were disordered because of the terrain, the clash of pike on shield and sword against sword could be heard all the way over to the left. where the Consul Flaminius sat on his gray horse, watching the lack of progress to his front.
The Aetolian cavalry was the only "good news" on the Roman right flank. for after a long struggle they finally defeated the Macedonian horse. The ridge was now theirs and the rear of the Macedonian line lay open to them. More enticing however, was the exposed flank of Nicanor's phalanx. This same formation having just dealt the Italians a very bloody nose on the slope of the ridge: four BPs of Principes fell under the hedge of pikes. The Macedonians taking just a quarter of these casualties in return.
Perhaps the contest would have been more even had the packmen been engaged by an enemy phalanx? The Actolian general was slowly moving his spear men up on to the ridge in support of the now victorious cavalry. The one unit of this five unit-strong phalanx remained in place, struggling to come to grips with the lighter skirmishers. To the left of this main struggle (phalanx v. Principes), the detached elements from Nicanor's formation were able to finish off the Hastati unit. This success was balanced against the loss of another 200 men in the fight against the elephants and their supporting line.
On the Macedonian right, the story was completely reversed. The mercenary peltasts who had blooded the Romans so much and delayed their advance, finally collapsed under the weight of the Roman and Italian infantry. Three units succumbed to the pila and gladius. along with the sub-general commanding this light division. Now, there was nothing more in the path of legionary or pike man. The Macedonian misfortune continued on this flank with the velites overwhelming the one unit of phalanx that had been decimated by javelins. Then, over on the far right, a unit of Thessalian horse broke under the weight of the Italian attack. The exchange here was even, however. The veteran units of both sides each scored a hit, and the remaining heavy horse simply turned their attention on the enemy still on horseback.
In the next turn, the bodies of heavy infantry were finally met. Once more, the advantage lay with the Macedonians, but the difficult nature of the terrain prevented them from coming to grips with the Romans and Italians. These soldiers, in turn, were more than happy to meet the packmen half way: how much "better" to face a "worthy" foe than to deal with the upstart peltast. So, on the Roman left, under the watchful eye of the Consul, legion and phalanx clashed along the ridge line. The movement exposed the flank of Philip's formation, and once again, the pesky velites threw themselves at the waiting packmen.
Nicanor's phalanx was heavily engaged. To its left, the Aetolian phalanx was slowly turning in order that it might direct an advance on the exposed flank. The cavalry troop of this same contingent turned to the left as well, but galloped off down the rear slope of the ridge. On Nicanor's right, the two sub-units that had just rolled over the isolated legion infantry were rejoining the parent unit. During this short march to reestablish a right flank, the Roman knights charged into the moving packmen. Somewhat to the left and behind this commotion, the second legion of Roman infantry began to wheel all three lines to the left. The general of this force wanted to get into the fight, and decided that the contest against King Philip was a better chance for glory and victory than joining the fight against the smaller phalanx.
As the Roman velites harassed the phalanx on Philip's side of the field, so too did the Macedonian skirmishers occupy and inflict more damage on the Aetolian phalanx on the Roman right. Flinging light spears and stones, then dashing in to cut down an encumbered hoplite, the skirmishers scored another BP against this sub-unit. In the melee involving Nicanor's packmen, the exchange was basically even. However, one unit of Principes had taken too many casualties and broke under the pressure. It looked as if the Hastati -so bloodied at the start of the battle-would soon be rejoining the line. The combat was even and hard between the knights and phalanx on Nicanor's right. A similar story was winding to an end to the left of this combat, as the elephants were even fewer in number. And the beasts remaining were not very keen on the idea of running into pike points again.
More than a few legion infantry fell under the pike points on Philip's side of the field. Here too, the exchange of losses seemed fairly even and distributed across the front of the combat. A couple of phalanx units directly in front of Philip were roughly handled by the combination of pila and short sword. The depth of their formations prevented any real progress by the Romans or Italians, however. It was the same for the continuing cavalry melee on the far right of the Macedonian line: the veteran cavalry under Philip took more casualties and the Italians facing the Thessalians were near break point.
As the melees continued, up and down the field, even more Romans and Italians would fall victim to serried ranks of leveled pikes. Well to the front of the Consul's position, three units of Hastati (I Italian, 2 Roman) had had enough and broke. The remaining units in this line were quite disorganized and under strength. One Italian Hastati unit having 3 BP against it. It might be said the the legion infantry died well, for Philip's units had to absorb a total of 8 BP in losses. These casualties were spread out over 10 units and so, were acceptable. The Macedonian success was played out on the other end of the field too, and with more effect.
The knights wasted themselves in several frontal attacks on the right of Nicanor's formation. On the left of this same formation, a reformed Italian line tried to slow the packmen down. The general of this legion led the reformed Hastati back up into the fight, but the phalanx proved too powerful. Just like the Principes who routed previously, this unit did as well. In his attempt to stem the tide of fugitives, the commanding general found himself on the wrong end of a sarissa.
The elimination of the knights and yet another unit of legion infantry would spell defeat for the Romans. The loss of a legion commander spelled defeat in big, bold letters. In the orders of battle for this scenario / reconstruction, the Army Break Point for the Romans was figured at 7 key units. At the end of turn 10, the total number of key units lost was at 9: 5 infantry, 3 cavalry, and the legion commander. Accordingly, and not soon enough for the poor Consul, a halt was called to the "fighting."
EVALUATION, ANALYSIS & REMARKS
At the end of the Rules Review / Revision section, the following "conversation" was reported:
I guess what it boils down to is this: what kind of re-fight of Cynoscephalae did I desire? Did I want to follow the historical record to the letter and allow the unknown tribune to swing the 20 or so maniples around into the backs of the Macedonian packmen? Or, was I simply more interested in "researching" the orders of battle; recreating the terrain: making sure the deployments were "accurate," tinkering with the rules a little bit, and then just "pressing the go button" to see which side would emerge victorious from what would undoubtedly be a "train smash" between legion and phalanx at various points along the ridge?
The narrative of the wargame suggests that I opted for the latter interest. Although, and too late into the bargain, the un-engaged Roman legion on the right of the line did try to maneuver around the flank of King Philip.
Historically, the Romans won the battle at Cynoscephalae. To review the record: it was a close fought contest; the right side of each army was victorious (so they were really two battles in the larger framework); and if it were not for an unknown tribune, the Macedonians might well have won the day. In the wargame replay, the contest was close fought as well, and so, mirrored the historical battle. however, in the wargame, there was no unknown tribune who emerged to secure the day for Rome. And the veteran legions with their formidable and fluid fighting style proved no match for the peltasts and packmen of the enemy. History was reversed then, on this reconstructed field of Cynoscephalae.
Fault cannot really be placed on the battle plan or deployment of the Roman forces. Although, the contribution of that one legion could have made a difference. With respect to the flexibility of the legions, one has to wonder at the effectiveness of having three units of infantry meeting twice their number in poor terrain. That is to remark, while reserves were at hand, the full weight of Roman arms could not be brought into play at crucial points in the fight. As reported. the Romans and Italians did damage some units of the phalanx. but were broken in the long-term. The luck (skill?) of the Macedonian command has to be mentioned as well. In addition to rolling well in the initiative phases-the Roman Consul was almost always put in the posture of having to respond to enemy movements and manuever -- the die rolls in the melee phase were unusually high. The Special FV bonus for the legion infantry in this difficult terrain was really not a factor. This proved problematic, especially against the peltasts of the Macedonian line.
During the research and preparation of the wargame, several rule revisions were drafted. The general purpose behind these revisions was to reflect the "reality" of the engagement on that day in 197 BC. As the wargame progressed, there were two or three instances wherein '"on the fly' amendments were adopted. The rationale here being to reflect the "reality" of ancient battle. For example, the ARMATI rules state that a unit cannot inflict more than one (I) BP against the enemy. The poor Italian Hastati then, when facing two units of phalanx (depth versus width), could only hope to damage one of the units. If a unit was touching or in base-to-base contact with an enemy unit, it seems reasonable that casualties might be taken by any unit in contact. I made mention of reading the Vis Bellica rules while preparing this game. Mr. Avery does allow for multiple combats, though he makes it "difficult" for the attacked/attacking unit to score hits on each enemy base or unit. however, at least the possibility is allowed.
This is not the case in ARMATI. Therefore, in multiple-combats (one unit facing two or even three) the first combat or melee phase would be conducted normally. For any additional combat, the unit fighting twice would have to roll a 6 on a 1d6 in order to score a hit.
The breakthrough rule was another provision that was changed to reflect what was considered the "`reality" of the battlefield. Specifically, I am referring to the occasion when the Macedonian heavy cavalry defeated the Aetolian peltasts but could not carry on (or breakthrough) into the open flank of the Aetolian horse, even though this enemy unit was within the three inch allowance of a breakthrough move. Admittedly, the victorious cavalry would have been in a state of disorder. Given the nature of the terrain at Cynoscephalae, the horse were already in this state or condition. The ARMATI restriction seems a little too restrictive--for lack of a better word.
In subjective and final review, the wargame as both exercise in ancient history/warfare and "simple game," went very well. The intention was not to recreate exactly, the battle at Cynoscephalae. That is to remark, the purpose was not to research and set up a wargame in order that the winning side would, in fact, emerge as the winner. (Please see Note 4) The intention was to recreate the historical battle but allow for the possibility that history might be reversed.
Notes
Note 1: Point 3 of the battle synopsis or summary in the WARFARE text reads: ,,The Macedonians, in retreat, raise their pikes in surrender but the uncomprehending Romans cut them down. They lose 7 / 8,000 killed. 4 / 5,000 prisoners; Rome: c 1.000 dead." (124)
Note 2: Hanson's explication is superb. The three paragraphs on 117 and 118 deserve transcription in full.
- What was it like to face the three lines of an oncoming Roman army? Most classical historians of Roman battle -- Caesar, Livy, Plutarch and Tacitus especially -- -view the collision through Roman eyes. Their ethnocentric and lurid accounts portray shaggy six-foot Germans making queer sounds, deep resonating war cries (the barritus), and beating their equipment; screaming half-naked Gauls with their hair greased and piled high to increase their apparent height; or robed and painted Asians in vast droves, whose chatter and garishness gave way to the disciplined advance of grim professionals-intelligence and civilization offsetting greater numbers, barbarism, and brute strength every time. War paint, tattoos, bare-breasted women, ululation, and an assortment of iron collars, chains, spiked
hair, and occasional human heads and body parts hanging from the war belts are the usual requisites in any Western description, from Roman legions to the Spanish conquistadors, of fighting the Other.
Yet it was not the "barbarian" advance but the Roman that was truly inhuman and chilling. The legions, as the Christians did at Lepanto and the British at Rorke's Drift, fought in silence; they walked until the last thirty yards of noman's land. At a predetermined distance the first line threw their seven-foot eila, for the first time yelling in cadence as the unleashed the volley. Immediately and without warning, hundreds of the enemy were impaled. or their shields rendered useless by the rain of projectiles. Now with the lethal short swords unsheathed, the first rank crashed into the stunned enemy mass. The oblong shields had iron bosses in the centers, and the Romans used them as battering rams to shock the enemy, as the well-protected legionaries hacked off arms, legs, and heads during the confusion. Individual soldiers pushed in to exploit gaps where the dead and wounded had fallen. Almost immediately, an entire second army, the succeeding line of principi, surged in to widen the tears in the enemy line, hurling their pila over friends' heads in the melee, the entire process of charging, casting and slicing now beginning anew-with yet a third wave ready at the rear.
The terror of war does not lie in the entirely human reaction of tribal cultures to bloodletting-screaming and madness in giving and receiving death, fury of the hunt in pursuit of the defeated, near hysterical fear in flight--but rather in the studied coolness of the Roman advance, the predictability of the javelin cast, and the learned art of swordsmanship, the synchronization of maniple with maniple in carefully monitored assaults. The real horror is the entire business of unpredictable human passion and terror turned into a predictability of business, a cold science of killing as many humans as possible, given the limitations of muscular power and handheld steel. The Jewish historian Josephus later captured that professionalism in his chilling summation of legionary prowess: "One would not be wrong in saying that their training maneuvers are battles without bloodshed, and their battles maneuvers with bloodshed." (Jewish War 3.102-7).
Note 3: In Fortune's Favorites, Colleen McCullough paints a very confused picture of the goings on at the siege of Mitylene. When the trapped enemy and citizens sally forth and offer battle to the outnumbered Romans, the Consul Lucullus if forced to improvise. At one point, he expresses disappointment that he will not be able to address the army. At another point, "Perhaps seventy men were gathered around him as he stood on a small box to give him sufficient height to see everyone; the cohort centurions were there as well as the officers. (...) He made up his mind." `Caesar and Silius-you will take your cohort to the head of the peak and drive toward the gate. Once you reach the gate, hold your ground no matter what they throw at you.' And he went on to make the rest of his dispositions." (409-411)
I call this a 'confused picture' as the Mitylenes erupted from the besieged city at night, thereby wrecking the original plans of the Roman command. There are a couple of points that can be taken away from this narrative, however. First, it would appear that Roman commanders addressed the entire army. Second, in cases were this was not possible. it would appear that key elements of the command structure were involved and or at least informed of the overall plan.
As I asked in the body of the text, is this an issue that I need to be concerned with while wargaming an ancients battle with ARMATI rules? Three tuns into the re-fight, the Romans and their allies were doing just what I (Flaminius) wanted them to do. Changing sides, the Macedonian phalanx under my command (playing the role of King Philip) was also doing just what I wanted it to do.
Note 4: A couple of years ago, perhaps three, the Battle of Cannae was re-fought with the ARMATI rules. In this wargame, the Romans secured a win, also reversing the historical outcome of the battle. Though by no means representative of a trend, I just find it interesting/curious that in both ancient battles reconstructed, the losing side won.
Reference Materials & Sources:
"FLAMINIUS AT TILE DOG'S HEAD: The battle of Cynoscephalae 197 BC - A Scenario for V/s Bellied; by Robert Avery. WARGAMES Illustrated, Number 187, April 2003.
WARFARE in the CLASSICAL WORLD: An illustrated encyclopedia of weanons, warriors and warfare in the ancient civilisations of Greece and Rome. Edited by Philip de Ste. Croix. Salamander Books Ltd 1980, St. Martin's Press, New York. (Pages 72-73; 110-111; 124-125)
Citizen Soldiers: Cannae, August 2, 216 B.C., in CARNAGE AND CULTURE: Landmark Battles in the Rise of Western Power, by Victor Davis Hanson. (Pages 99-132)
Fortune's Favorites and The Grass Crown, both authored by Colleen McCullough.
Pike v. Pila Centurions in the Mist Scenario
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© Copyright 2004 Hal Thinglum
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