During the absence of the deputation in Italy and the suspension of the session of the Cortes, the position of the Government and its chief became daily more critical. The Republican and Unionist press teemed with personal attacks upon the President of the Council of Ministers. In the provinces, and especially in the University towns of Salamanca, Seville, and Valladolid, proclamations were published against the Duke of Aosta; in Madrid itself the students jeered their professors who had voted for him. In the attempt to suppress these demonstrations against the Government and the King, there had sprung up a certain organisation which went by the name of the partido de la porra. (The Clubbing Club)

The offices of several journals which had gone beyond bounds in their attacks were invaded, and their editors beaten. Several Carlist clubs were opened at Madrid; the organisation closed them by force. The Government, and General Prim in particular, were accused of being in league with this organisation, the aim of which was to teach respect for existing institutions by a process of intimidation, and to counteract by force the inconvenience resulting from too full an exercise of the individual rights guaranteed by the Constitution.

With the return of the President and Secretaries, the Cortes resumed its deliberations, on December 15, in a turbulent session, in which the Republican deputy, Diaz Quintero, referred to Spain's chosen King as a "monkey," while his colleague in the same party described the proceedings as an "unworthy farce;" and the Liberal Unionist, Mendez de Vigo, warned the Duke of Aosta to reflect upon the true state of public opinion before setting his foot upon Spanish soil.

The Government was in an embarrassing position in the face of the obstinate spirit of the opposition. The theory of the Revolutionists of September was that the new monarchy could not begin until the Constituent Cortes had resigned its sovereignty. The Duke of Aosta would therefore be forced to linger in Italy until there was an end to the discussion over all the laws which were to be passed before the dissolution. The evident intention of the minority to contest every inch of progress by dilatory tactics might extend the period to an indefinite length.

The majority held a meeting on December 18 for the purpose of considering this matter, at which it was decided to bring forward a proposition to close the discussion of pending bills on December 30; if the bills were not disposed of by that date, the Government should be authorised to regard them as approved, and to execute them as laws without prejudice to their consideration in the succeeding Cortes. The reception of the King was to be the last act of the Constituent Cortes, which was to be dissolved at the conclusion of the ceremony.

The terms of this proposition, although responding to the urgency of the case, were clearly an infringement of Article 2 of the Constitution, which provided that no bill could be passed by the Cortes without previous discussion. All the different elements of the opposition united in a bitter revolt against this suggestion. Not only the Republicans, but the supporters of Montpensier and Alfonso took part in the assault upon the Government. The Unionist Rios Rosas and the Alfonsist Canovas del Castillo joined forces in the defence of the Constitution against what they called a coup d'etat of the majority.

Pi y Margall charged Prim with political inconsistency amounting to the loss of political shame. The greatest impression was made by the speech of Topete. "If," said the author of the Cadiz pronunciamiento, "we have not been able to do all that we promised; if before the natural perturbations which follow revolutions, we have not been able to fulfil the promises we have made; if we are the first to infringe the Constitution, -- if I do this, to what am I reduced? To a vulgar conspirator, and a vulgar conspirator I am not." He concluded by affirming that he would not only not vote for the proposition, but would not even authorise it by his presence; that he would rather hand in his resignation both as Deputy and as admiral.

The Government proposition was passed by the necessary number of votes, but the character of the debate and of the members who had opposed it, as well as the undeniable fact that the Constitution had been violated, inflicted a serious blow upon the moral prestige of the Government. Against Prim as master of the situation, the opposition press waged a pitiless war. The Unionist journal La Politica, the Republican El Combats, and the usually moderate Alfonsist La Epoca vied with each other in the fierceness of their attacks.

Assassination

The explosion of the heated political atmosphere startled the country on December 27, the day when Amadeo sailed from Spezia to enter into possession of his kingdom. About half-past seven in the evening, General Prim left the House of Deputies with his two adjutants to drive to the Ministry of War. On reaching the end of the Calle Turco where it enters the Calle Alcala at the angle made by the palace and grounds of the Duke de Riera, Prim's carriage was blocked by another carriage waiting at the junction of the two streets.

The street was dark and gloomy, and a fall of snow-an uncommon occurrence in Madrid made the Calle Alcala, the main thoroughfare of the city, less frequented than usual. One of the adjutants who looked out to inquire the cause of the delay had just time to exclaim, "Stoop, General, they are firing on us," when a volley of shots rang out on both sides of the carriage. Prim's coachman urged on his horses and succeeded in passing the obstructing vehicle. On arriving at the neighbouring Ministry of War, it was found that the Prime Minister had been struck by several balls, in the left hand, arm, and shoulder. He immediately summoned Serrano and Topete to his bedside to take measures to prevent a Republican rising and to prepare for the reception of the King; nor was it in vain that he relied upon their patriotism.

Serrano at once formed a new Ministry, with Topete as President of the Council. In the session of the Cortes on the 28th, the day after the attempt upon Prim's life, Topete declared that at the bedside of the dying general he had seen the fatherland, the national honour, and the Revolution itself, wounded. He had come to fulfil the will of the Chamber.

"I will go and bring," continued he, "the King you have chosen. Although I did not give him my vote, I assure you that my breast shall be his shield; and until he chooses the man who is to take my place, I pledge my life for his life." Vega de Armijo, in behalf of the Liberal Union, expressed abhorrence of the crime, and assured the Government of support in the preservation of order. Figueras, in the name of the Republican minority, declared that as the party of legality and morality, the minority condemned political assassination; and the Carlist Vinader denounced the deed, "not in the name of the Revolution, which has been assailed, but in the name of law and justice, which have been outraged."

Finally, the President, Ruiz Zorilla, made the following significant speech in allusion to the Republicans: "A deed like that of yesterday is not prepared in a moment. There must have been previous inspiration, instigation, and secret meetings. The methods employed for the execution of a crime like this at the time, under the circumstances, and in the manner in which this crime has been committed, are not devised in a day. I do not allude to any particular person so long as I have no proof. I shall now repeat to the country what I believe, and what I have already said : that it may not be thought that the preaching of this or that kind of doctrines is a matter of indifference; that it is a matter of indifference to read newspapers and club manifestoes which preach murder and the destruction of society, - doctrines which lead us to what we have yesterday seen."

The first part of a proposition expressing the deep abhorrence of the Cortes was approved by 201 votes, and the second part, declaring its readiness "to give its entire support to the defence of the interests of society and the Revolution," by 140 to 3. General Prim survived his wounds until the 30th. At the night session of the Cortes on that day his death was announced by Moret, the Minister of Finance. His last words are said to have been: "I die, but the King is coming. Long live the King!"

The assassination of General Prim removed from the stage the most striking figure of the Spanish Revolution, and the one man who could have changed the course of succeeding events. Of all, the leaders of the Revolution, he was the only one who had known how to guide its development to the solution which he had made his own; and he may be said to have been happy in the hour of his death, when he had disproved the charges that the prolongation of the interregnum was due to his selfishness and to his determination to elevate himself to the highest dignity in the State. A distinguished soldier and a born conspirator, not over-scrupulous in his methods, he had, upon the attainment of power, proved a brilliant example of the fact that the qualities which make the one and the other are not always inconsistent with those of statesmanship of the highest order.

On the morning of December 30 the Numantia, with the King and the deputation, arrived at the port of Carthagena. The royal standard was unfurled, but to the surprise of every one on board, there was no salute from the port, nor any signs of the steamer which was to bring General Prim to receive the King. The silence on shore proved that something extraordinary had occurred.

The uneasiness was increased when, after some delay, the pilot appeared, and, in reply to a question by Balaguer, said that he did not know where General Prim was, but that Topete was in Carthagena as President of the Council of Ministers, with General Cordova and General Concha, the first two prominent supporters of Montpensier and the last retired from public life since the Revolution. On being pressed, the pilot finally gave a report of what had occurred in Madrid, and in about half an hour Admiral Topete, with the Minister of Public Works, Echegeray, and several generals, came on board, where an official reception was held.

To Madrid

It was decided that the journey to Madrid should be made on the following day. Amadeo then visited Carthagena in company with Topete. His youth and gallant bearing won him a warm reception by the populace. On the 2nd he arrived in Madrid. His first visit was to the bier of Prim, in the church of the Atocha. He then proceeded to the Chamber of Deputies to comply with the ceremonial of taking the oath, and afterwards paid a visit of condolence to the widow of the dead statesman. His passage through the city between the troops which lined the streets was watched by an interested but silent crowd.

In the palace he took possession of a reduced number of apartments, and seemed from the outset determined from policy or inclination to impress upon the public that he was a true democratic king in contrast to the formal etiquette of the Hapsburgs and Bourbons. It was a revolution in Madrid, where the night life runs to a later hour than that of any other capital in Europe, to see the palace closed by midnight and the King out of bed at seven o'clock in the morning. The receptions at the palace were without ceremony.

The King showed himself in public, sometimes on horseback, sometimes in an ordinary carriage; usually alone, and always without an escort. Although this was entirely consistent with the spirit of the new Monarchy and its supporters, it was very different from the Spanish idea of royalty, and was ridiculed by the members of the ancient aristocracy, who stood severely aloof and lost no opportunity of showing their contempt for the new dynasty.

On the day after his arrival, the King intrusted Serrano with the formation of a Ministry. Two portfolios were given to the Democrats, and the remainder divided between the Unionists and Progressists. Serrano, who now appeared as the leader of the Liberal Union, followed the example of Prim in -uniting in himself the Presidency of the Cabinet and the War Department. This transfer of influence to the Unionists was the more felt by the Progressists because between their leaders, Sagasta and Ruiz Zorilla, the rivals for Prim's succession, there did not reign a perfect harmony. The difficulty of dividing the offices among the three parties which composed this conciliation Ministry, gave the King the first intimation of the intricacies of Spanish party politics.

The Cortes was summoned for April 3, 1871, and the Government employed the usual methods for securing the largest majority possible for the supporters of the new order of things. This was the more important on account of the significance given to the contest by the Republicans, who declared that the Constituent Cortes had no authority to elect a monarch, and that the voters could indirectly confirm or revoke the election of Amadeo. The elections, therefore, developed into a contest between the advocates and the opponents of the dynasty. Although there was as yet no definite coalition between the factions of the opposition, there was a disposition in many districts to bargain for mutual support.

The elections resulted in the return of 48 Republicans, 62 Carlists, and 237 Ministerialists. About a dozen Alfonsists and ten followers of Rios Rosas, who were still described as Montpensierists, completed the new Congress. Even before the House was organised, the sessions were tumultuous, and no less than forty days were spent in the examination of election certificates. Olozaga was elected President of the Chamber. Through fear of a proposition from the minority for an amendment to the Constitution in a sense hostile to the House of Savoy, the majority proposed to amend the rules of the House by forbidding the introduction of propositions for constitutional amendments except after authorisation by a majority of the seven sections into which the Chamber was divided.

The leaders of the minority then decided to propose their constitutional amendment before the debate on the amendment to the rules, which they intended to spin out as long as possible, could be concluded. This attack was warded off by another proposition of the majority, to defer the reading of all constitutional amendments until the amendment to the rules was discussed and voted. This was approved on May 24, and the amendment to the rules was passed on the 30th, in spite of the fury of the minority, which, on the sessions of the 22nd and 23rd, developed into veritable tumults. On the 31st began the debate on the address in reply to the King's speech, which, in the face of numerous amendments more or less hostile to the dynasty on the part of the Carlists and Republicans, did not end until June 23.

In the meantime the spirit of conciliation which seemed so strong after the death of Prim, at the beginning of the new reign, through personal jealousies and a difference of principle, was becoming feebler in the majority and the Cabinet. The three parties of the Revolution had never been firmly united, especially since the Unionist attack on Prim on the celebrated St. Joseph's night. In addition to this want of sympathy among the three parties, there was now evidence of a split in the ranks of the Progressists themselves.

One section of the party declared that with the promulgation of the Constitution, the election of the King, and the organisation of the State, the work of the Revolution should be regarded as finished. The object to be aimed at now was, by a conservative policy to secure order and harmony rather than sweeping reforms. The other section claimed that the country must be brought abreast of the new political institutions by economic and civil reforms; and that only in this way could the dynasty take root in the nation. The former tendency was represented by Sagasta; the latter by Ruiz Zorilla. With the former were the Unionists, with the latter the Democrats. The latter were also assured of a more benevolent attitude on the part of the Republicans.

The continued attacks and interpellations in the Chamber, the disturbances in Madrid on the occasion of the celebration of the twenty-fifth anniversary of the pontificate of Pius IX., the onslaughts in the press, had done much to injure the prestige of the Government. Difficulties in the department of Moret, the Minister of Finance, for which he was not responsible, and the attacks upon him, caused Moret to retire from the Cabinet. Serrano offered his resignation; but the King, who did not appreciate personal phases of the party politics of his adopted country, and who laboured under the delusion that in Spain, as in other countries, parliamentary government was government by a majority of the Chambers, insisted that the President of the Council was not justified in his resignation so long as he had an effective working majority in the Chamber of Deputies, as it was proved he did have only the day before by the vote of 164 to 98 on the address.

The Presidents of both Chambers agreed with the King in his view of the crisis. Serrano therefore continued at the head of the Government; but the breach between the factions grew wider day by day, until finally Ruiz Zorilla openly declared that it was his opinion that the coalition ought to cease. He hoped to preside over a Cabinet composed exclusively of his own followers, which would enable him to carry out his policy of liberal reforms. His resignation, followed by that of Martos of the State Department and Beranger of the Navy Department, brought on a general crisis; and on July 20 Serrano again placed his resignation in the hands of the King.

Amadeo now saw himself forced to choose between these two factions -- one urging the Government to rest content with the restoration of order and harmony, the other advocating sweeping reforms. In accordance with his own natural inclinations, as well as the advice and recommendations he had received before leaving Italy, he endeavoured to prevent the breaking up of the coalition, and to continue with a Conservative Cabinet. He therefore requested Serrano to form a new Government. The latter attempted to secure another conciliation ministry from the three parties.

Failing in this, owing to the refusal of the Democrats, he next endeavoured to form a combination of Unionists and Progressists. In this he was thwarted by the hostile attitude of the Ruiz Zorilla wing of the Progressist party and by the refusal of Sagasta, who was unwilling at this time to break entirely with his old comrades and to identify himself with the Unionists. The King was therefore forced to call Ruiz Zorilla, who formed a purely Progressist Ministry. He attempted to heal the breach in the party by giving Sagasta a place in the Cabinet; but the latter, who had no desire to subordinate himself to his rival, declined, on the ground that having been in favour of continuing the coalition among the three parties, it would not be fitting that he should enter a Cabinet based upon a rupture of the coalition.

The new Ministry was formed on July 25, and in his speech explaining his programme to the Chamber, Ruiz Zorilla declared that his Ministry should be called a Radical Ministry; that it was ready to enter upon the development of the Revolution of September by a series of laws and decrees of liberal character, such as the institution of trial by jury; and although desirous of maintaining harmonious relations with the Holy See, the establishment of religious liberty by the introduction of civil marriage and a civil registry of births would be insisted upon.

The Government would endeavour to maintain public order by legal means; if extraordinary disturbances required extraordinary methods, these would be left to other hands, or a bill of indemnity requested from the Chamber. Of the necessity of morality in the public service, he spoke in plain terms. In the place of a partisan civil service, the service should be made national and Spanish. "Let us not continue with the growing spectacle of one civil service in the hands of the Progressists, of another in the hands of the Moderates, another Democratic, or another Republican; because such a service is always a service of expediency for exploiting the people and encouraging the craze for public office."

The Republicans, who preserved a benevolent attitude towards Ruiz Zorilla and his advanced Government, in accordance with the wishes of the latter, did not insist upon the discussion of the causes of the crisis, and on the same day the Ministry was formed the Cortes suspended its session until October.

During the recess a circular of the new Minister of Finance, Servando Ruiz Gomez, declared that in the future government officials would not be removed for political reasons; that their continuance in office would depend solely upon their efficiency and industry; and that with this Government for the first time there would not be a general cleaning out of the offices. The refusal of the Minister of War, General Cordova, to receive the resignation of many officers of high rank, with the statement that the army should not be the tool of a party, attracted great attention on account of its novelty and made a favorable impression for the new Government.

Financial Reforms

During the summer the country was tranquil and order was maintained. The subscription to the consolidated debt of 150,000,000 pesetas was carried through with brilliant success, and the Government, true to its assurances, effected economies in the different branches of the Administration amounting to a hundred million of pesetas. A decree was also issued for a new census of landed property, city and rural, for the purpose of increasing the receipts from the land tax, the basis of the Spanish system of taxation. In pursuance of the authority granted by the Cortes, a general amnesty was declared for all political offences.

The popularity of the Government was reflected on the dynasty, and towards the end of August, when the King held a review of troops in honour of his brother, Prince Humbert, who was visiting him, he was received by the populace with acclamation. Ruiz Zorilla determined to take advantage of this favourable aspect of affairs, in order to bring the King into closer relations with his people. A trip through the country was decided upon, and especially through the provinces which were regarded as Republican strongholds. This was a success beyond all expectation; and considering how the Spaniards give rein to their feelings, it is remarkable that during the whole journey no unpleasant incident occurred. In Castellon, Valencia, Tarragona, Reus, Barcelona, the King received a hearty reception, and after a month's absence returned to Madrid on October 1, the day before the Cortes resumed its sessions.

The success of the Government policy during the summer brought Ruiz Zorilla before the Cortes with overweening confidence. In that body, in addition to the minority hostile to the King, there had also developed a dynastic opposition to the Government, composed of the Progressist followers of Sagasta and the Liberal Union. More than ever was apparent the irreparable loss which the Progressists had suffered by the death of Prim, whose iron hand enforced discipline in the ranks of the party. The Presidency of the Cortes had become vacant by the appointment of Olozaga as Ambassador at Paris. Ruiz Zorilla recommended Rivero to the majority, as the Government candidate for the Presidency, and Sagasta announced himself as the candidate of the opposition.

The open rupture in the ranks of the Progressists was thus clear. Ruiz Zorilla was so sure of the election of his candidate that he declined to listen to Sagasta's offer to withdraw if Rivero would do the same. On the first vote, neither candidate obtained a majority; on the second, Sagasta was elected by 123 to 113. Ruiz Zorilla at once placed his resignation in the hands of the King. In order, if possible, to conceal the breach in the Progressist party, Sagasta declined to form a Government himself, and advised the King to entrust Espartero with the organisation of a Ministry in which he expressed himself as ready to take a portfolio.

The news of the fall of Ruiz Zorilla created great excitement in Madrid, and occasioned demonstrations in his favour. A large mass meeting was held at the Prado, under the auspices of the Progressist Club, to express allegiance to the L° Government of Economies."

When, as was expected, Espartero, on account of his age and ill-health, declined the offer made to him, it would have been logical, in view of the defeat of Ruiz Zorilla, who represented a policy opposed to conciliation, and more in accordance with parliamentary practice, to return to a coalition Cabinet; but the popularity of Ruiz Zorilla's Government deterred the King from this step. He therefore entrusted the formation of a new Ministry to Admiral Malcampo, who might almost be said to have begun his public career in this high position. Malcampo constructed a somewhat colourless Cabinet from the Progressist followers of Sagasta, and declared that the new Ministry would follow the line of policy of its predecessors.

During the life of Prim the Progressist party was the most compact, powerful, and best disciplined of the three parties which contributed to the success of the Revolution of September. This influence it owed, not to the ability of the members who composed it, but to the energy of character, profound sagacity, and military prestige of its chief; and until his death it voted and acted as one man. To the discipline of this party and its obedience to the dictates of Prim was due the election of Amadeo. It was now, within less than a year after the death of its chief, rent asunder in almost equal divisions, each with its respective leaders; and this division in the very party which was the creator and defender of the Democratic Monarchy was ominous of the fate in store for the King.

The Malcampo Ministry was received in the Cortes with an interpellation on its intended policy regarding the International Society of Workmen. This organisation was then at its height, and Ruiz Zorilla, in contrast with the attitude of France and other Continental governments, was charged with viewing it with too much leniency. The debates on this subject lasted until October 10, and during this interval the Government enjoyed a certain amount of tranquillity. During the debate it declared that the Internationalists by their doctrines and tendencies came under the provisions of the penal code and the jurisdiction of the courts. This was in opposition to the view of the Radicals and Republicans, who held that the aims and methods of the society were entirely legal.

In the vote on the resolution, approving the views of the Government on the question, the Radicals refrained from voting, because there was no possibility of a majority against the Government, and because the Carlists sided with the Ministry on account of the atheistic tendencies of the society. Only a few days later, however, Ruiz Zorilla saw his opportunity for uniting all the divisions of the opposition. On November 17, the Carlist Cruz Ochoa moved a resolution to the effect that any restriction upon the establishment of monasteries, nunneries, or religious communities of any kind authorised by the Church, was an infringement of the Constitution.

The Government endeavoured to defer the question by referring the resolution to a committee, but in vain. Romero Robledo then moved to table the resolution, and supported his motion in a long and bitter attack upon the policy of Ruiz Zorilla and the Radicals in allying themselves with the Carlists and Republicans in their attempt to make government impossible. There was but slight response on the part of the Radicals, who for once relied rather upon votes than speeches, while Conservatives like Serrano, Topete, Rios Rosas, and Elduayen spoke in favor of the Government. The debate lasted all night, until the motion of Romero Robledo was defeated by 174 votes to 116. Malcampo in the meantime had explained to the King the anomalous attitude of the opposition in attacking one of the most important decrees of the Revolution, the decree for the suppression of the monasteries, which had been issued by Ruiz Zorilla himself, when Minister of Public Works in the Provisional Government.

The result of the interview was that immediately after the vote on Romero Robledo's motion to table the resolution, and before the vote on the resolution itself could be taken, Malcampo at daybreak mounted the tribune, and with some emphasis read a decree of the King in which, "in accordance with the powers conferred by Article 42 of the Constitution, and in harmony with the opinion of the Council of Ministers," he suspended the sittings of the Cortes during the present legislative session.

This measure, in the circumstances unavoidable, excited much irritation in the opposition, and especially among the Radicals, who held a large meeting in which Rivero declared amid great applause : "This democratic Constitution has proclaimed a dynasty. I accept it and will be faithful to it; but let it be clearly understood that I place liberty above this Monarchy and above everything."

The suspension by decree of the first Cortes of the new reign after accomplishing nothing but the long and tedious debate on the question of the Internationalists, did not strengthen the position of the King, and seriously impaired the prestige of the Democratic Monarchy.

In consequence of the virtual defeat of the Malcampo Cabinet and of the fact that Sagasta more than any one else represented the policy which, as shown by the suspension, it was decided to follow, the latter was called upon to form the fourth Cabinet of the reign of Amadeo. The tendency of Sagasta was more and more toward blending with the Liberal Union, especially since the leaders of that party had expressed their intention of supporting his government.

The new Ministry was constituted on December 21. Malcampo himself was retained in the Navy Department and several members of the late Government in other offices. All the Ministers were Progressists of the Sagasta wing, except Topete, who took the Colonies.

The question was whether to summon or dissolve the Chambers when it seemed certain that the new Ministry would have an adverse majority in the House of Deputies. It was finally decided to declare the session of 1871 concluded, and to summon the Cortes for January 22, 1872, in the hope of being able, by an appeal to the patriotism of the opposition, at least to dispose of the pressing questions of finance. This hope was not realised. From the moment of opening the session on January 22, the hostile attitude of the opposition was so apparent that the President of the Council of Ministers was continually interrupted in his speech explaining the Ministerial programme.

He maintained that the division of the Monarchists of September into two parties, Conservative and Radical, was necessary, and declared that he was Conservative within the new dynasty and the Constitution of 1869. In discussing the condition of the Treasury, he made reflections upon the policy of the Ruiz Zorilla Cabinet. His speech ended in a tumult.

Seeing that there was no possibility that his offer of a truce would be accepted, Sagasta determined to bring on a conflict that very night. A disagreement having arisen between the acting President of the Chamber, Martin de Herrera, and the Secretaries, in reference to a motion proroguing the sitting, the former appealed to the House to sustain him, and Sagasta made a Cabinet question of this somewhat frivolous issue, - the propriety of the President's conduct. The President and the Government with him was defeated by 172 to 121, and an adjournment was taken to the 24th.

On that day, since the decree of dissolution had already been read in the upper House, all the Deputies were eager to make a speech before the approval of the minutes of the last sitting and the reading of the decree of dissolution. In entire disregard of the rules of the House, there were not only speeches, but some of them of an incendiary character. The sitting, in fact, was a tumult from beginning to end. Ruiz Zorilla closed his speech with the shout of " God save the country! God save liberty! God save the dynasty!"

Rivero declared that he feared that the dissolution of Parliament was the destruction of the rights of the citizens.

Martos charged Sagasta with political immorality, and declared that he belonged to that class of men who, " contrary to their own wishes, are destined to destroy what they love most, and be the ruin of what they are under obligation to defend."

One Republican insisted that the King "had broken with Parliament, and that the dynasty of Savoy ended on that day;" another exclaimed that the questions could " be settled in the barricade; " while Figueras declared that the Government had "thrown down a gauntlet to the country; that his party would take it up at the proper time, and would fix the day and hour of the combat." Conservatives like Canovas del Castello took advantage of the occasion to call attention to the incapacity for government on the part of the authors of the Revolution of September. After a turbulent sitting the decree of dissolution was finally read.

King's Outlook

To the King the outlook was gloomy. Within a year after his succession, there had been four separate Ministries, and the Cortes suspended and then dissolved with nothing accomplished. The great Progressist party which had elevated him to the throne was split into two divisions, one in alliance with the Unionists who had never favoured his candidature, the other, by its leaning to the Republicans, assuming day by day an appearance of opposition to the dynasty.

Of the two solutions to be chosen, of the two policies to be pursued, neither seemed free from the promise of dissension and disaster. Nor was the life at court attractive. The uncompromising attitude of the old nobility and the petty intrigues between the Radical and Conservative officials in attendance, embittered the life of the King and Queen; nor could they rid themselves of the impression that, after all, they were strangers in a strange land, who might at any moment be called upon to journey home again.

The new Cortes was convoked for April 24. On February 20, in accordance with the conservative declarations which he had made in the Congress of Deputies, Sagasta modified his Cabinet so as to secure a larger representation from the Unionists. On the next day the Government published a circular promising to observe the Constitution, to guarantee the rights of all citizens, and to defend the existing institutions as well as to respect the liberty of the electors.

Despite this declaration, the modification of the Ministry was made by the opposition parties a pretext for exciting the public feeling already agitated, and an excuse for forming a coalition of the most discordant elements against the Government. This coalition, proposed by the Radicals, was accepted by the Republicans and Carlists. Thus the leaders of parties of such essentially different tendencies as Republicans, Radicals, and Carlists, met, organised election committees, and distributed districts in the friendliest way.

The Government on March 10 published another manifesto, lamenting the unjust charges of which it was the victim, and calling upon all patriotic citizens who loved peace and desired the security of the new institutions to come to its aid against a monstrous and criminal coalition, which, if successful, would result in conflict, confusion, and chaos. It argued that a Conservative party had been formed, of which the Government was the genuine representative, but that this would not prevent the existence of a Radical party. On the contrary, the two parties, both monarchical, contending at the polls, in the press, and in the Cortes, would form a genuine parliamentary government, and contribute to the consolidation of liberty and of the dynasty of the House of Savoy.

The Radical leaders professed to see threatened reaction in the formation of a Conservative party, and remained firm to the coalition. In their election proclamations they attempted to represent the combination between Radicals, Republicans, and Carlists as a truly national alliance against the flagitious coalition of Progressists and Unionists. The Carlist manifesto declared that "God alone can give constitutions and freedom and prosperity to the peoples who honour Him and obey His laws. Once for all, we must make an end of the intolerable tyranny of parties. The Duke of Madrid has spoken. Carlists, to-day to the polls; after, where God calls us."

The Republicans urged their followers to vote for the candidates of the coalition, irrespective of their politics, as if they were the party candidate. "Every vote wasted in this critical moment is a crime against the nation. We have only one enemy to combat, the stranger. Let this be our watchword: Spain for the Spaniards."

This was the most immoral coalition thus far seen in Spanish politics. The Radicals, who declared their allegiance to the dynasty and denounced the alliance of Sagasta with the Unionists, combined with the Republicans, whose battle-cry was "Away with the Savoyard! Away with the foreigner!"

The Republicans, who opposed every form of monarchy, and denounced the Government as reaction v and dangerous to liberty, joined hands with the Carlists, the representatives of absolutism and of religious fanaticism.

The Ministry left no stone unturned to defeat the coalition, and as usual was not over-scrupulous in the methods adopted. The result was as usual in Spanish elections, where energetic Government measures are always crowned with success. A good majority was returned for the Government, with a preponderance of the Unionist wing.

Using the alleged intimidation and illegal election methods of the Government as a pretext, the Carlists determined not to appear in the Cortes, but, in accordance with the orders of their chief, to have recourse to open insurrection. They had for some time been preparing for this step, in the belief that a war against a foreign King would be popular, and they alleged that the arbitrary proceedings of the Government at the polls prevented the propagation of their doctrines by legal methods.

Insurrection

The insurrection began as usual in the Basque provinces and Navarre, and showed symptoms of extending to Castile, Aragon, and the Eastern provinces.

The opening of the Cortes on April 24 almost coincided with the Carlist rising, which was prominently referred to in the King's speech. He expressed his intention to be "inexorable in the chastisement of the constant enemies of liberty, and the persistent assailants of public order." If the ordinary measures were not sufficient to suppress the insurrection, the Government would demand such as might be necessary for the establishment on a firmer basis of the dominion of the law. In this statement and in the marked conservative character of the speech, the Radicals and Republicans pretended to discover a menace of reaction and limitation of personal liberty. In the close of his speech the King undoubtedly alluded to the Republican watchword of "Away with a the foreigner!": "As I have already said on one occasion no less solemn, I shall never impose myself upon' the country; but at the same time I shall never accuse myself of abandoning the post which I occupy by the will of the country, nor of forgetting the duties which the Constitution enjoins upon me, and which I shall know how to execute with the loyalty that I owe to the honour of my name."

The Carlist rebellion threatened to assume such proportions that it seemed necessary to appoint an officer of distinction to the command of forces adequate for its suppression. This undertaking was entrusted to General Serrano, with the authorisation to dispose of whatever troops might be necessary for its successful execution.

The Congress of Deputies did not organise until May 10, when the Unionist Rios Rosas was elected to the Presidency of the Chamber, in which his party formed the strongest fraction. On the 11th the budget was presented. It showed the financial condition of the country to be deplorable. The expenditures amounted to about 600,000,000 pesetas and the receipts to less than 470,000,000.

On the same day the Republican Deputy Moreno Rodriguez inquired of the President of the Council of Ministers whether it were true that, when in need of money for the election, he had as Minister of the Interior requested the transfer of two million reals to his own Department from the Colonial Office of the Department of War. The reply of Sagasta was that the Government had "disposed of the funds necessary for extraordinary expenses which have nothing to do with the election."

On the 13th the same Deputy requested the documents showing the form of transfer, and on meeting with a refusal, he moved a resolution that the Chamber should order the records showing the different steps of the transfer to be brought before the House, declaring that he did not wish to enter into an investigation of the manner in which the money had been expended, but only to discover the method pursued by the Minister of the Interior to secure the sum in question. This resolution was defeated, but the opposition saw too good a pretext for attacking the President of the Council and the Government to let the matter drop, and on the 16th they moved for the appointment of a committee of investigation. This motion was also rejected.

In the meantime, however, the opposition press had taken up the question, and public opinion was growing excited. The Government was charged with illegally disposing of funds belonging to the State, and of using the money for corruption at the polls. The President of the Council attempted to face the storm by asking the Cortes to approve the expenditure of the sum as an additional appropriation for the secret service of the Department of the Interior, and offered to furnish all the papers relating to the subject provided that they were regarded as confidential. In the documents brought before the House, the cause of the expenditure was declared to be the existence of a vast conspiracy against the Government and the King. Among the papers were communications from the local police and copies of letters from personages of distinction.

The standing of the Government was so much shaken by the nature of these communications that on May 22 Sagasta informed the Cortes that the Ministry would present its resignation to the King. The reasons given were somewhat strange. " The Government," he said, " believed that it could satisfy the desires of a representative of the country without infringing the privacy of certain documents which concern lofty interests of State; but on being informed that this confidence has been misplaced, the Government withdraws these documents. Although this belief was held by the Government in good faith, it has erred, because the result has not been what it expected; and considering that governments ought not to err, and are responsible for their errors, the Government will immediately place its resignation in the hands of His Majesty."

As a consequence of this somewhat inglorious episode, fell the Ministry of Sagasta. To avoid the necessity of again dissolving the Cortes, where the different sections of the Opposition did not together control eighty votes, it was necessary to seek for a substitute in the Conservative party. The Presidency of the Council of Ministers was therefore offered to General Serrano. On account of Serrano's absence in the North, Topete, Minister of Marine, provisionally assumed the War Department and the Presidency of the Council. The Cabinet was mainly constructed from the Unionist party, which in its turn now occupied the most influential position in the country. On the appearance of the new Ministry before the Chamber, on the 27th, the President, Topete, stated that the Government would follow the policy of its predecessors, and that the resignation of Sagasta was due to a feeling of delicacy and not to any want of confidence on the part of the Chambers or the Crown.

In the meantime all eyes were turned with interest to the operations against the Carlists, and the Government hoped that by some brilliant feat of arms General Serrano would strengthen its position in the eyes of the King and the people. The Carlists were deficient in good leaders. There was not one who could be mentioned in the same breath with Cabrera or Zumalcarregui, their great generals of the first civil war. The refusal of the former to take part in the enterprise caused a certain discourageinent. Cabrera's marriage and long residence in England dampened his enthusiasm for the absolutism and fanaticism of a cause which he had once served so well.

On April 27 Serrano issued a proclamation from his headquarters at Tudela ordering the Carlists to lay down their arms, and threatening the severest penalties if his orders were not obeyed. On May 1 the Official Gazette announced that the arrival of Serrano in Navarre had entirely changed public sentiment in that province. On the 7th of the same month the Carlist forces under the personal leadership of Don Carlos himself (an unusual circumstance) were entirely defeated at Amorivieta by General Moriones. Don Carlos did not draw rein until he was safely across the French frontier. Eight hundred prisoners were taken, and in consequence of the moral effect produced more than 2000 insurgents laid down their arms.

Great was the enthusiasm in the capital, where it was believed that the insurrection would be radically suppressed. Correspondingly great was the surprise on learning that Serrano on the 24th had signed a treaty with the Carlists, granting the most liberal terms. This document, known as the Convention of Amorivieta, gave full pardon to the rebels, to the Carlist Deputies, and to all who had in any way taken part in the revolt, whether belonging to the army or emigrants. In the former case the officers and troops could return to the army with the same rank as before, and in the latter free passports would be given to enable them to return to France. There had been exactions and levying of money by the Carlists, and the settlement of this question was left to juntas, composed of the very persons who had favored the insurrection and used the funds, and formed in accordance with the fueros or special privileges of the Basque Provinces.

This arrangement caused especial disgust among the Liberal inhabitants of these provinces, who were continually exposed to the dangers and sufferings of a Carlist rising, who knew the indomitable character of their countrymen, and who desired a permanent peace, which they regarded as possible only by the extermination of their opponents.

The entire contents of the document were not seen in Madrid until the 28th, the day after the appoint, ment of Serrano as President of the Council, and they caused dismay in the new Ministry. It was decided in a Cabinet meeting to postpone a decision until an explanation could be obtained from Serrano himself. At the opening of the sitting of the Congress on the 29th, Topete admitted that public opinion was reasonably alarmed on the subject, but that the Government reserved its opinion until it had received full details. He requested that debate be deferred until that time, because without entire knowledge the Government was not disposed to answer a single question on the subject.

As might have been foreseen, the opposition did not intend to lose so choice an occasion for weakening the new Cabinet, and Ruiz Zorilla insisted on a categorical answer to the question whether, if the document was authentic, if it was such as it appeared to the public eye, the Government would approve of the terms of an agreement which " no Government, no Minister, no Spaniard can accept." To this the acting President replied that the Government could not form an opinion. Martos then rose to question the Government on the same subject, but was stopped by the President of the Chamber. This caused a tumult. Ruiz Zorilla, who had just presented a resolution that the Chamber should insist on ample explanations from the Government in regard to the agreement, now declined to discuss it, and withdrew, followed by the members of his party, remarking that the majority clearly wished him to leave; that they had now obtained what they wanted, and that they might decide the fate of the country as they wished.

On the 31st Castelar moved a vote of censure against the President for his ruling against Martos. This motion was rejected. On the same day Ruiz Zorilla communicated to the Chambers his resignation of the office of Deputy. In his speech he stated that he was not induced to take this step through irritation or disgust, but because circumstances had created a situation superior to his forces.

"They who find themselves in a situation like mine, and have held the positions that I have held, due rather to circumstances than to my own merits, need faith and energy in order to sustain a situation which grows more difficult day by day. For a long time faith has been failing me, and I no longer have the energy which I have felt in supreme moments. If I continued in my present position, I should have to begin to deceive my party and my country. As I do not wish to deceive either the one or the other, and are the only thing that remains to me of my public career is the feeling that I am a man of honour, I should no longer be so if I played in politics a role superior to the qualities required for playing it well. These qualities are lacking in me; these qualities I no longer have."

The withdrawal of the Radical leader did not effect a cessation of the hostilities against the Convention of Amorivieta. At the sitting of May 30 General Serrano, who had returned to Madrid, gave a history of his operations against the Carlists, and defended the convention on the ground that it avoided a long civil war, and that the clause regarding the reinstatement of officers, which excited so much condemnation, was of no importance, because there had been no deserters among the officers of the army. In his opinion the convention amounted to nothing more than a general amnesty.

His conduct received a vote of approval from the Conservative majority, after rude attacks from the Radicals and Republicans, who made the point that the commander-in-chief had outstripped his authority; for, by the Constitution, the granting of a general amnesty rested with the Cortes. The Republican Deputy Abarzuza took advantage of the occasion to make a personal attack upon the King, and alluded to his holding aloof from the campaign against the Carlists.

The approval of the Chamber did not alter the fact that the agreement was unpopular in the country and in the army, and that the contrast between its provisions and the ,inexorable " policy heralded in the King's speech made the King seem ridiculous. It left the embers of Carlism in the North ready to burst 'into flame at any moment, while in Catalonia the insurgents had not laid down their arms, nor did they show any disposition to do so.

On the same day that the Convention of Amorivieta received the approval of the Chamber, Serrano took the oath as President of the Council and Minister of War. In control of the army, with a docile majority behind him in the Cortes; with a Cabinet of his friends, and with the assured support of Sagasta and his followers, he seemed to have inherited the influence and position of Prim. In the debate on the Address in reply to the King's speech, which did not begin until May 20, Castelar made a violent attack upon the reactionary policy of the Government, and pointed to the significant effacement of the men who had contributed to the election of Amadeo.

"When I search," said the speaker, "for those who on a certain celebrated night voted with the most enthusiasm and the most decision for the dynasty, I find some of them banished by electoral manoeuvres, some in the retirement of sorrow and silence, most of them confounded here with me upon the benches of the opposition. When I turn my eyes upon those who voted against the dynasty or who did not vote at all, I see at the head of the Government General Serrano, who sent emissaries to all of the candidates; at the head of the Navy Department, Senor Topete, who voted for the Duke of Montpensier; at the head of the Treasury, Senor Elduayen, who voted for Don Alfonso or who voted in blank; at the head of the Committee on the Address, Senor Romero Ortiz, who voted for the Duke of Montpensier. When I see this, I cannot help making a reflection which you will often find in our great poets, and which may be uttered in a free parliament: What abysses are there in the bosom of palaces, and what ingratitude in the heart of kings!"

This quotation from Castelar's speech gives an excellent example of the disposition to regard Amadeo as a partisan, as unde special obligation to the party which elected him, a view which was very popular with the Radicals, and, upheld, as it was, by the Republicans, drew charges of ingratitude upon the King whenever he turned toward the Conservatives, or whenever, even in court ceremonies or in his private and personal relations, he did not call upon the Radicals to play the leading parts.

This attack on the Ministry in the Chamber, and the information received as to intended disturbance on the part of the Radicals, determined the Government to bring forward a bill for the suspension of the guaranties embodied in Article 1 of the Constitution. Serrano also felt his own position to be so strong with the army, in the Cortes, and, as he believed, at court, that he regarded the moment as seasonable for bringing the September Revolution to a sort of dictatorship, -an issue which had always been favoured by the Unionist party. But for the introduction of such a bill, the approval of the King was necessary, and Serrano had not counted upon the scruples of Amadeo.

A Spanish statesman of the career and antecedents of the Duke de la Torre is not disturbed by any constitutional obstructions which may stand in the way of a given policy. The King, on the contrary, was determined to remain steadfast to his oath and to the 1, Constitution, and refused emphatically to give his' approval to the measure. Nothing was left for the Cabinet but to resign. The resignation was accepted on June 11, and Serrano retired from the Presidency after having occupied his post for not more than a week.

The King then turned to the Radicals, and the Presidency of the Council was offered to Ruiz Zorilla, who was living in retirement on his estate at Tablada. General Cordova, Minister of War, acted provisionally as chief of the Government, while a deputation of friends went in search of Ruiz Zorilla. The Radical leader consented after much persuasion to return to public life, and made a triumphant entry into the capital, where he was received with the acclamations due to a Cincinnatus.

Dissolution of the Cortes

The Cortes suspended its sittings on June 14, and two weeks later the decree of dissolution was published. The second Cortes of the reign thus came to a premature end without even having voted the Address in answer to the King's speech. Thus in eighteen months two/ Cortes had been suspended and then dissolved, and;' five different Cabinets had appeared and disappeared. The members of the majority in order to prevent the dissolution offered their co-operation to the new Government for the settlement of the budget, and other pending legislation. This offer was refused, and the Majority published a protest against the dissolution, declaring that the nation could now behold 44a spectacle new in its history of an opposition which offers all the terms of accommodation dictated by prudence, and a Government which rushes into lawless adventure."

To this Ruiz Zorilla replied that the Cortes had perished in consequence of the arbitrary and violent proceedings of his predecessors; that it was sufficient under the Constitution that there should be four months of sessions during the year; and that dissolution was necessary in order to restore to the Cortes its authority and purity.

The fall of the Conservative Ministry was received with exultation by the Republicans. They knew that, just as the Progressist Sagasta when in power was dependent for support upon the Unionists, the Progressist Ruiz Zorilla could not govern without their aid. He had been dependent upon them in 1871, and he would now be dependent upon them again. But the times had changed since 1871. If, argued the Republicans, the Conservatives cannot govern, and the Radicals can exist only by our aid, what prevents us from overthrowing the Monarchy? The more violent members of the party were therefore disposed to regard the advent of the Radicals to power as a misfortune, if it resulted in introducing into the Republican party a more benevolent attitude towards the Government and the dynasty.

To counteract this impression, and to show their belief that the Radicals would not long be able to sustain the tottering Monarchy, the leading Republican Deputies published a manifesto in which they declared that the sudden change in the Government had not modified their principles or changed their line of conduct. They warned their followers against any appeal to force. " There is no one," concluded the document, "who does not foresee the early advent of the Republic. Let us not conspire against ourselves." The outlook for Ruiz Zorilla's government was therefore neither brilliant nor tranquil, and the prospect of help from his old allies was not encouraging. These considerations may have had some connection with his disinclination to leave the local attractions of Tablada.

On June 27 Ruiz Zorilla published a circular to the provincial governors which gave the details of the policy he intended to pursue. Inasmuch as liberty was the very foundation of the dynasty, he did not regard as expedient the application of extraordinary measures, even to the Carlists. Trial by jury was to be established; reforms in Cuba were to be postponed until after the suppression of the insurrection in that island; the expediency of a conversion of the debt would be considered, provided that the consent of the bond-holders could be obtained; the right of association should be fixed in accordance with the limitations of the Constitution of 1869.

One of the most important of the details was his promise to introduce a bill for the re-organisation of the army and navy on the basis of a suppression of the conscription, - a popular subject for an appeal to the constituencies, and a sure means for attracting votes. Referring to his previous government of 1871, he said : " To the calm and serenity which then prevailed have succeeded discontent and agitation. Our credit is shaken, parties are excited, and the public peace is disturbed. All these causes have produced natural and fatal consequences in the administration, the disorganisation of which requires a prompt and effective remedy." The elections were fixed for August 24, and the new Cortes was convoked for September 15.

Public attention had in the meantime been attracted by the announcement of a reconciliation between the Duke of Montpensier and Queen Isabella. This alliance, which had been arranged at Cannes in the preceding January, was now officially proclaimed in a published letter from the Duke to the Marquis of Campo Sagrado, in which he made the following declaration : "Although not indifferent, I am determined to remain aloof from every contest. If, however, as a result of the conflicts which the future may bring forth, of the irresistible force of events, or of the means which the existing laws authorise, Spain should again find herself called upon to dispose of her destinies, the experience of the last years and the careful observation of the present situation, make me believe that the traditional, constitutional, and hereditary monarchy symbolised in the young Prince Alfonso, to-day its sole legitimate representative, is the only government that can offer to our harassed country a broad and noble foundation for erecting the edifice of great and modern institutions. It is the only government that can give assurance of liberty -- true liberty, which is the guaranty of all progress -and order, which is the primary condition to all liberty."

About the same time there appeared a manifesto signed by two hundred and thirty Generals, Senators, Deputies, and Grandees, declaring Alfonso to be the legitimate heir to the throne; and that, "if the catastrophe which we foresee shall occur before this Prince has attained the age suitable for exercising by himself the supreme authority of the State, the regency of his august uncle, the Duke of Montpensier, will be an effective guaranty of good government and of the most profound respect for the constitutional guaranties."

The genuine and original Alfonsists published a reply to this manifesto, in which they refused to accept the proposition of the Regency, and expressed their intention of defending by all legal means the rights of Alfonso " against the mistaken zeal of his friends as well as the opposition of his adversaries."

Although there was thus shown some dissension between the old and new supporters of Alfonso, yet the open discussion of his candidacy by a number of the very conservative class whom the King regarded as the mainstay of his monarchy, must have filled the King's mind with gloomy forebodings, and impressed the impartial observer with the belief that the restoration of the Bourbons would be the final solution.

The interval between the dissolution of the Cortes and the elections was dedicated by the different parties to manifestoes and mutual recriminations. The advanced wing of the Republicans held a turbulent meeting on June 30, in which the proposition was presented that the party should not take part in the election, and that no support should be` given to the Radical Ministry. The moderate leaders composing the Central Committee of the party were bitterly denounced. There seemed to be a large Socialistic element present at this meeting. The moderate Republicans, in accordance with their general policy, were determined to remain within the limits of strict legality.

In a meeting on July 5, the Conservatives debated the question of abstention from the polls, but finally decided to take part in the election. Feeling ran high, not only against the Government, but between the different factions of the opposition. In the Conservative ranks a large number were in favor of abstention; day by day the moderate Republicans found more difficult the task of restraining the irreconcilables, who, not yet having learned the peculiar advantages of dynamite, were in favor of petroleum and barricades. In the attacks in the press, not even the private life of the King was spared, and the democratic manners which were supposed to be in harmony with the new regime were made the subject of special criticism and ridicule.

The sultriness of the political atmosphere was again to result in an attempt at political assassination. On July 18 the King and Queen spent the evening in the garden of the Buen Retiro. On attempting to return to the Palace about midnight, the royal carriage had scarcely entered the Calle Arenal when a volley of five or six shots was fired from one of the side streets. The King and his adjutant Burgos sprang up and covered the Queen with their bodies. Owing probably to the quick movement of the carriage, no one was hurt, and the coachman drove at full speed to the Palace, where one of the horses fell and was found to be severely wounded.

The authorities had, some hours before, received warning of the intended crime, and had informed the King, but he had attached but little importance to the communication and declined to change his plans for the evening. The police who had been stationed in the Calle Arenal came to a hand-to-hand conflict with the assassins, killing one and wounding several. The Ministry immediately assembled at the Palace, where the King calmly gave the details; the tranquillity of the Queen excited general admiration.

The event caused a temporary reaction among the people, who could not refrain from admiring the' King's courage or from remembering the Queen's goodness. The political parties all protested against the attempt. Some accused the Republicans, some the Conservatives, while others went so far as to declare that it was planned by the Government in order to make the King throw himself into the arms of the Radicals as his sole salvation. If this were not the case, it was argued, better precaution would have been taken, and at least the royal carriage would not have been allowed to return to the Palace by its usual route. Of the assassin shot by the police, neither the antecedents nor the name was discovered. The three captured, one of whom was condemned to death, were found at the trial to be Republicans. That the carriage did not return by a different route was no doubt due to the insistence of the King himself.

Royal Trip

Remembering the success of the King's journey to the Eastern provinces, the hot-bed of Republicanism, Ruiz Zorilla had planned another royal journey in the North, the stronghold of Carlism. The King did not allow the attempt upon his life to delay his departure, and left Madrid on July 20. The result of this journey was not remarkably successful. The enthusiasm was mostly official and perfunctory, and brought out rather too clearly the Radical claim to a certain proprietary interest in the Monarch. It was concluded on August 24, the day of the election of Deputies and Senators.

In a genuine parliamentary government it is the function of the people to decide who is to be the government; in Spain, the converse of this is true, and the government decides what is to be the result of the elections. The present elections were an admirable example of this system of universal suffrage. The Radicals numbered more than two hundred. The large Conservative majority of the previous Parliaments was transformed into as large a Radical majority. In less than five months the sovereignty of the people, under the influence of certain peculiar methods of appeal, had given two diametrically opposite judgments.

The victory of Ruiz Zorilla was, however, not as significant as that of Sagasta. The latter had contended against the vigorous and combined efforts of all the factions of the opposition. Now there was no coalition, and abstentions from the polls were much more numerous than at the former election. But few of the partisans of Sagasta presented themselves for re-election, nor did the Unionists take much interest in the conflict.

It was difficult, therefore, to regard a Chamber as the genuine representative of the people, when leaders like Sagasta, Serrano, Topete, Rios Rosas, and Canovas del Castillo were conspicuously absent. Next to Ruiz Zorilla and his friends, the triumph was with the Republicans, who returned more than eighty members. The inadequate representation of the Conservative element gave a pretext to the Alfonsist press to appeal to the dynastic members of the Liberal Union to transfer their allegiance to the banner of Alfonso. The virtual retirement of the Conservative opposition must have impressed the King with the hopelessness of the role of mediator between Spanish political parties, and the dissatisfaction of the party which did not hold the reins of power must have made him regret that no system of government had yet been invented where I all the parties might be in power at the same time.

The Cortes met on September 15. The King's speech alluded to the fact that he derived his right to the throne from his election by the Constituent Cortes. As on former occasions, he spoke regretfully of the failure to re-establish ancient relations with the Holy See; but with the assurance of personal veneration for the Pontiff and of respect for his spiritual power, was also expressed the firm determination to live in harmony with the facts and ideas of my time, and to maintain the decrees established by the sovereign will of the Spanish people." The usual promises were made as to financial reforms.

The Congress did not devote as much time as usual to disputed election cases, but was organised on the 26th, with the election of Rivero as President. The latter in his speech predicted a long lease of life for the new Cortes, and proclaimed the triumph of the Radicals as that of the only party which could consummate the work of the Revolution of September, introduce the reforms and assure the liberties won by it. He attributed the absence of eminent Conservatives to this patriotic comprehension of the fact that they were not wanted. Later a Conservative party would be necessary; at the present time, it would be simply an inconvenience -- a view of the case not appreciated by the few members of that party who had seats in the Chamber.

In the debate on the Address the opposition did not refrain from open attack on the dynasty. The Alfonsist Jove y Hevia contended that there was no possible legitimacy to the rule of Amadeo, and stated that he would not be afraid of the Republic, if behind the great leaders of the party like Pi y Margall, Figueras, Orense, and Castelar, he did not see Navarrete and Garrido, and after these Paul y Angulo, a man of the type of Robespierre.

"There is one thing in which they have completely succeeded," said Esteban Collantes, of the same party; "in which they have had a fabulous success. The sole revolutionary principle that they have practised is to have the smallest quantity of King possible. It is impossible to have a smaller quantity of King than they now have, and the result is that from this King to the Republic the steps are numbered. Do you desire this Republic? Do you desire a Republic similar to that of France? There is no reason for such efforts, because in Spain we have more of a Republic with this Monarchy than the French people with their Republic. In Spain we have the smallest possible amount of King, and in France the smallest possible amount of Republic, which is about the same thing. I believe that what is needed by my country is tradition, legitimacy, and constitutional government, and for this reason I am a partisan of Alfonso XII."

The Republican Garrido moved an amendment to the Address calling upon the King to commit an act of abnegation; and Salmeron, his colleague, declared that the Constitution of 1869 was a compromise between Democrats and Monarchists.

"You have forgotten," said he, "that you cannot put new wine into old casks; and the separation of the two elements, the Democrats and Monarchists, is the natural result of this unnatural alliance." The attitude of the different parties showed that the dynasty was fast becoming identified with Ruiz Zorilla, and that the latter could depend for aid only upon his own immediate followers.

In accordance with its assurances, the Government presented a bill for the reorganisation of the army and the abolition of the conscription, but at the same time presented another bill providing for a levy of forty thousand men. The latter bill drew a violent attack from the Republicans, who accused the Government of breaking its solemn pledges, and described the bill as a "bloody jest." The Government alleged in its defence that this was not a new conscription; that only men were summoned who were already destined for service by lot; that the army must be reinforced, and that it was impossible, in view of the disturbed state of the country, to wait for the completion of the organisation proposed. To this the Republicans answered that this proviso should have been made, and that the voters should not have been deluded into the belief in the final abolition of the conscription.

The negotiations of the Government with the Bank of France to raise means for the extinction of the deficit and for the establishment of an Hypothecary Bank excited great alarm in the Chamber. The Republicans went so far as to declare that if they came into power they would not regard these contracts or concessions. The two bills for these purposes were passed, but the Republicans used them as arguments to show how little the Radicals deserved any benevolence or confidence from the Republican party, and that conspiracy and insurrection were the means authorised by circumstances for the realisation of their principles.

More Mutiny

On October 6 there were demonstrations in Madrid against a tax on show windows and awnings levied by the municipality. Only a few days after the suppression of this disturbance, news came of an insurrection in the arsenal at Ferrol, where the workmen, guards, and marines raised the banner of the Republic. This movement, which lasted from October 10 to October 20, might, under good leadership, have been serious, for the insurgents disposed of arms, supplies, and ammunition, as well as of a number of launches and several vessels; but seconded neither by the town, nor the Province of Ferrol, nor by any of the troops, they were shut up in the arsenal. A number attempted to escape on the 17th, and in this way several lost their lives.

In all, about one thousand of the insurgents fell into the hands of the Government. The Republican minority in the Chamber through Pi y Margall expressed their surprise at the movement, and declared that the insurrection was no longer a right but a crime, when, as was the case, they had universal suffrage and a free press and tribune. This declaration, which was telegraphed over the country by the Government, produced so much irritation in the Republican party and its press that the author took occasion a few days later to weaken the effect of his speech by charging the Government with a distortion of his words. The result was, however, a deep split in the Republican party, between the directors, who were in favour of peaceful methods, and the men of action, who seemed determined to prove their dislike of the Radical Government and a contempt for their own directory.

Republican risings were threatened both in the North and in the South, which could only be suppressed by the proclamation of martial law and the arrival of Government troops. On November 23 and on December 12 there were new disorders in Madrid. Of much greater gravity, however, were the Carlist risings. Newly collected bands threatened the city of Gerona; a bold raid was made upon Burgos, where the Carlists attacked the civil guard in their barracks, set fire to the building, threw open the prisons, and recruited their bands from the liberated criminals.

In November the railway trains between Madrid and Saragossa could travel only with great precautions, and were in imminent danger of attack. Catalonia by the beginning of winter was almost entirely in the hands of the Carlists, who levied blackmail, plundered, and practised the abnormal barbarity which had always been the characteristic of their gloomy fanaticism. The condition of Catalonia was pathetically described in the House on November 21 by Balaguer, who threw the responsibility upon the Government. Ruiz Zorilla in his reply declared that he could not suppress the constitutional guaranties, and that his principles forbade him to use extraordinary measures.

The Conservatives saw this disorder with considerable' satisfaction, and claimed that they not only proved the former Government to have been right in demanding the suppression of constitutional guaranties, but also that the Radical policy was favourable to disorder. On December 14, in consequence of what they regarded as an unfair ruling of the President of the Chamber, the members of this party withdrew in a body from the House and refused to take any further part in the deliberations. After their withdrawal they found a favourable field outside for exciting earnest opposition to the Government on account of its colonial policy.

Ruiz Zorilla was determined to deal with the question of slavery in the Antilles. He did not feel capable of attacking it in Cuba, where the slaves were numerous and the country in a state of insurrection. He proposed to the Cabinet the advisability of freeing the slaves in Porto Rico, where they did not number more than thirty thousand. The question as to whether the liberation should be immediate or gradual caused a Ministerial crisis and the retirement from the Cabinet of two Ministers who were in favour of the latter plan, while the remainder supported immediate emancipation. The Government bill provided for the entire suppression of slavery in the island of Porto Rico within four months after the publication of the law, and for the indemnification of the owners. Against the bill the Conservatives made a veritable crusade.

They united with the mercantile clubs of the principal cities for the foundation of an antireform league, which, in its proclamation to the country, identified the emancipation of the slaves with the loss of the Antilles. One hundred and eighty-three nobles of Castile and grandees of Spain adhered to this movement, and in a manifesto of December 22 Don Carlos declared that he now had all the more reason for attacking the Radical Government, because that Government represented an attack on the integrity of the country. The position of the opponents of the bill was strengthened by the impression which prevailed in many quarters that the policy of the Government was influenced by the attitude of the Government of the United States on the subject, and by the message of President Grant holding slavery to be responsible for the continuation of the insurrection in Cuba.

The result of the Radical policy had therefore been to make more and more irreparable the rupture between Amadeo and the Conservatives, and to identify the King entirely with the party in power. The retirement of the Conservatives from the Chamber destroyed the only shadow of a dynastic opposition that existed in that body. The dissatisfaction of the Conservatives also extended to the private relations of their leaders to the King.

On January 6 a large banquet was given at the Palace. Serrano, Rios Rosas, Sagasta, and all the prominent leaders of the Conservatives sent excuses. Many at the same time communicated the renunciation of their titles and decorations.

Unsupported

The beginning of the third year of Amadeo's reign found him entirely unsupported except by the Radicals, and sure of their support only so long as they remained in power. A part of the Liberal Union had openly declared for Alfonso. The other part, with the Progressist followers of Sagasta, formed the Conservative, or so-called Constitutional, party. These the King had deeply wounded by leaving them at the very time when they had overcome the difficulties of the situation, and found themselves in a position to give effect to their reactionary policy. The only method to assure their support was by restoring them to power; but when the King inclined to this step he remembered the uncertainty of the Radicals in opposition, and their leaning toward the Republicans, who in their turn would no longer be restrained to constitutional methods after the fall of the Radical Government.

The insurrection at Ferrol and the movement against the conscription showed the dangerous attitude of , the irreconcilable wing of the Republican party. The revival of the war in the North, the intrigues in Catalonia, and new outbreaks in Valencia and the two Castiles showed that no peace was to be expected from the partisans of Don Carlos. The strained relations with Serrano and the other Conservative leaders, to whom from the beginning of the reign he had in his private relations shown a marked inclination, as well as the familiarity of the Radicals and their disposition to claim a proprietary interest in him as a party chief, filled him with disgust. Bound hand and foot to the Radicals, unable to form a government from other elements without producing a catastrophe which would make his position untenable, it was only necessary that some question should arise in which his conscience would force him into a disagreement with his Ministers. Such an issue was not slow in arising, and since it brought an end to the dynasty of Savoy in Spain, it will be expedient to give its antecedents in detail.

The insurrection in the barracks of San Gil at Madrid on the morning of June 22, 1866, resulted in the killing of a number of the officers of the artillery by the sergeants. The leader of the movement, Captain Baltasar Hidalgo, had always been unjustly regarded by the officers of this branch of the service as directly responsible for these assassinations. This feeling against Hidalgo was shown as soon after the Revolution as December, 1868, when he had been appointed Colonel of the regiment of infantry quartered at Tarragona, and when the officers of the artillery of the same post invited all officers residing in this city except Hidalgo, to the festival of their patron Santa Barbara.

At that time General Prim, in order to avoid further difficulties, ordered Colonel Hidalgo to Cuba. Since that date Hidalgo had continued to advance in the service by leaps, and in November, 1872, having attained the rank of General and Field Marshal, he was appointed to the temporary command of the Basque Provinces. On his arrival at Victoria all the officers, as was customary, presented themselves except those of the artillery. On inquiring into the reason for their absence, it was found that their commanding officer had gone to Madrid without asking for his passport.

The other officers pretended to be ill. Hidalgo ordered that an investigation be made into the conduct of the commander, and that the sick officers should be transferred to the hospital. As there was not room in the hospital for all of them, Hidalgo telegraphed to the Minister of War requesting that he be allowed to send them under arrest to the Castle of Mota at San Sebastian. This request was refused by the Minister, General Cordova, who suggested that they be placed under arrest in their own houses. Hidalgo then telegraphed his resignation, not only as captain-general of the Basque Provinces, but also as field marshal.

All these facts came out in the discussion in the Congress, where unfortunate publicity was given to the matter by an interpellation of the Republican Deputy Gonzalez on November 16. The case was serious, as the whole artillery corps of the Spanish army was disposed to make common cause with their companions of Victoria.

To avoid this, the Minister of War in his speech recommended that the conduct of Hidalgo on June 22, 1866, be submitted to a court of honour. The President of the Council of Ministers took up the cause of Hidalgo, and declared that he would not allow himself to be imposed upon or intimidated by any branch of the service. A resolution was presented to the effect that the Congress would see with pleasure an early and satisfactory settlement of the question. This gave rise to an extended debate in which it was clearly demonstrated that the temper of the Chamber was with the President of the Council and against the artillery. In this discussion the Republican Navarrete took occasion to praise the right of revolution, and the Radical Vidart made military obedience to superior orders dependent upon the reasonableness of the command.

A political aspect was given to the question by the fact that the artillery officers came largely from the aristocracy, and that they were not suspected of a superabundant sympathy with the present regime, but were supposed to look favourably upon a Bourbon restoration. For the moment, however, the matter was dropped, although it was clearly seen that it contained the seeds of a serious conflict.

The Government seemed determined to provoke this conflict, when, in January, it sent Hidalgo to take command of the operations against the Carlists in the Province of Tarragona. The commanders and officers of the artillery without exception sent in their resignations. The Minister of War, General Cordova, attempted to come to an arrangement, but the artillery officers refused to withdraw their resignations.

On February 7 the question was again brought before the Congress, as on the previous occasion, by an interpellation of the same Republican Deputy, Gonzalez. The speaker complained that a conflict had been excited by the artillery corps when engaged in a campaign against Don Carlos, and that their conduct was equivalent to a veto on the decisions of the Government. He desired to know whether the Government was ready to act with energy and dispose of the question once for all. In that case they could count not only upon his vote and that of the other Republicans, but also upon the support of all those interested in the cause of justice and the triumph of liberty over its enemies.

In reply to this speech, which was received with great applause by both the Radical majority and the Republican minority, Ruiz Zorilla defended the Ministry from the charge of weakness, declared that the Government would be degraded if it did not accept the resignations, and attempted to explain the action of the officers as a phase of the general campaign on the part of the Conservatives since the introduction of the Emancipation Bill. " From that moment the attacks and calumnies of the press have increased. The faction of Don Carlos augments in number and resources; the hatred against the Government becomes more embittered. It is precisely at this time that the question with the artillery comes again to the front, and assumes alarming proportions."

The Minister of War spoke even more energetically. The resignations, he declared, would be accepted; the service would be reorganised and the officers retiring would be replaced by others. 11 I hope," he continued, ,that with the disappearance from the artillery corps of their special privileges, we shall form a service as good as the present, identified with our institutions and above suspicion in the eyes of the nation and its representatives."

These words were received with enthusiastic applause, and members arose from their seats to congratulate the speaker. A resolution to the effect that the House had heard with satisfaction the words of the President of the Council of Ministers and the Minister of War, was passed by a vote of 191 to 2.

The issue was clear. The Government had declared its determination to pursue a certain policy, and the Congress of Deputies had approved of the determination. This declaration was made with no apparent consideration of the feeling or opinion of the chief of the State. The artillery knew what to expect. The action of the Government made retreat impossible. The question could not be solved by a change of Ministry. The King by refusing to accept the decision of the Ministry would come into conflict with his own counsellors, backed by the Republicans -- a veritable combat between King and Parliament. By acceding, he would not only lose his self-respect by his tolerance of public intimidation on the part of his Ministers, but he would also break the last slender tie which bound him to the Conservative elements of the country.

Amadeo hesitated as to what he should do. His personal inclinations were favourable to the artillery and to a Conservative government; but he dreaded a reactionary policy and its possible bloody results. After negotiations with the Conservative leaders, who promised to support him against the Radicals by force if necessary, he suddenly drew back before the overwhelming vote of the Cortes in favour of the Government, and signed the bill for the reorganisation of the artillery; but he determined that this should be his last official act.

Abdication

On February 9 there were rumours that the King had expressed his determination to abdicate. In the sitting of the Cortes on the 10th the Blue Bench of the Government was vacant until the Republican Figueras appealed to the President of the Chamber to summon the counsellors of the Crown, who were absent from their posts at a time when the institutions of the country were known to be passing through a crisis. The Ministers then appeared, and the President of the Council, in accordance with the conclusions reached in the Cabinet meeting of the night before, admitted that the King had informed him of his intention to abdicate, and requested that the session be postponed. This was opposed by the Republicans, who feared that the King might change his mind, and who alleged that the country was in grave danger from the Conservatives.

They proposed that the Congress should remain in permanent session, and it was finally decided that the House should be represented by the President, Secretaries, and a Committee appointed by the President. These remained until three o'clock the next afternoon, February 11, when the regular sitting was resumed and the following communication read: "To the Congress: Great was the favour conferred upon me by the Spanish nation by my election to the throne -- an honour which I appreciate the more because it was offered to me surrounded by the difficulties and dangers of the attempt to govern a country so profoundly disturbed. Inspirited, however, by the characteristic determination of my race, which seeks rather than avoids danger; resolved to be prompted solely by the good of the country and to place myself above all parties; determined religiously to fulfil the oath which I have taken before the Constituent Cortes, and ready to make every sacrifice to give to this valiant people the peace which it needs and the grandeur which is due alike to its glorious history and to the virtue and constancy of its sons, I believed that the limited experience of my life in the art of ruling would be remedied by the loyalty of my character; and that for exorcising the perils and conquering the difficulties which were not hidden from my sight, I should find powerful aid in the sympathies of all those Spaniards who loved their country, and desired to put an end to the bloody and sterile contests which for so long a time have rent the vitals of the nation.

"I recognise now that my enthusiasm deceived me. For two long years I have worn the crown of Spain, and Spain lives in a constant struggle, and sees day by day growing more distant the era of peace and prosperity to which I so ardently aspired.

"If the enemies of her fortunes were foreigners, then would I be the first to combat them at the head of her valiant and long-suffering soldiers; but all those who, with the sword and with the pen or by speech, aggravate and perpetuate the evils of the nation, are Spaniards; all invoke the sweet name of country, all engage in agitation and conflicts for her good; and, amid the crash of the combat, amid the confused, contradictory, and deafening clamour of parties, amid so many and such opposed manifestations of public opinion, it is impossible to conjecture which is the true, and more impossible yet to find a remedy for evils of such magnitude. Within the law I have eagerly sought for it and I cannot find it, and he who has sworn to observe the law cannot seek a remedy beyond the law.

"No one will impute my decision to failure of courage. There is no danger that could induce me to resign the crown if I thought that my retaining it would be for the good of the Spaniards. Nor was any impression made upon my spirit by the danger to which the life of my august spouse was exposed, who in this solemn moment expresses the eager desire that the authors of the attempt may be pardoned. I have to-day the strongest conviction that my efforts will be fruitless and my purposes incapable of realisation.

"These, gentlemen of the House of Deputies, are the reasons which induce me to restore to the nation, and to you, in its name, the crown which the vote of the nation conferred upon me; and I make this renunciation in behalf of myself, my children, and my successors. Be assured that in renouncing the crown I do not renounce my love for this Spain, as noble as unfortunate; and that I carry with me only one regret, and that is that I have not been able to secure for her all the good which my loyal heart so earnestly desired.

--AMADEO
Palace of Madrid, February 11, 1873."

As soon as this renunciation was received, a message was sent from the House of Deputies to the Senate, inviting the latter body to unite in deliberating upon "the good of the country, the preservation of order, and the definite triumph of liberty." The Senate in response to this invitation entered the House of Deputies, preceled by the mace-bearers. The Senators took their seats among the Deputies, with the President of the Senate on the right of the President of the House. The resignation of Amadeo was now read to both Houses, and was unanimously accepted.

A committee was then appointed to prepare an answer to the King's message. This document was written by Castelar for the purpose, as he stated, " of expressing the sentiments of the immense majority of this Chamber." In it the Cortes declined to take the responsibility of the conflict, but assured the King that, he had been the most faithful guardian of the oaths he had taken on accepting the Spanish crown, "a, glorious merit in this era of ambitions and dictatorships."

The knowledge of the King's inflexible character prevented the Cortes from attempting to induce him to desist from his purpose, and resulted in a decision to inform him that the Cortes had " assumed the supreme power and the sovereignty of the nation." The address closed, somewhat confidently, as follows: "When the dangers have been exorcised, when obstacles have been vanquished, when we have traversed the difficulties which accompany every period of transition and crisis, the Spanish people, which, during your Majesty's stay upon their noble soil, will offer every mark of respect, of loyalty, and of consideration due to your Majesty, to the merits of your noble spouse and of your innocent children, though they will not be able to offer you a crown in the future, will offer you another dignity, the dignity of a citizen in the bosom of a free and independent people."

Despite this invitation, the Duke of Aosta was determined not to linger a moment upon Spanish soil. At six o'clock in the morning of February 12, - the day after the presentation and acceptance of his resignation, - the preparations for the departure were completed. The Queen, who had been lately confined, was carried to her carriage in a chair. Monuments of her charity and of her nobility of character still exist in Madrid. She was much affected, and wept bitterly.

For the last time the guards formed on the grand stairway to salute. There was no curiosity or interest displayed by the populace. The carriages were hurriedly driven to the Northern Railway, where the committee of the Cortes was in attendance, as also the representatives of Italy and Portugal, and a half-dozen policemen. None of the authorities was present, nor was there a guard of honour or an escort. Amid the profound silence of the spectators, the train moved out of the station, bound for Lisbon, where the Queen was to await complete recovery. At the stations along the route crowds gathered to contemplate in respectful silence this fleeting vision of departed royalty. At the Portuguese frontier the five members of the committee who had accompanied the former King took their leave. The experiment of the Democratic Monarchy was at an end.

The abdication of the King excited no surprise; it had been openly discussed in the press and openly suggested in the Congress. The failure of an attempt to establish an electoral monarchy in Spain was beginning to be clear to any observant student of the country and its institutions.

"This form of monarchy, where the monarch is elected by the Chamber," said Seiior Canovas del Castillo, in his speech in the Constituent Cortes on June 6, 1870, "is the weakest, has the least root, and is the most transitory to be found in history." He referred to the fact that Louis Philippe had received 219 out of 282 votes; "and yet," he continued, " do you not know how many times it was thrown in the face of that intelligent, able, and liberal Monarch of July that he represented only 219 votes?"

Amadeo was elected by only 191 over 120 votes. He was a foreigner, and the Spaniards could not forget the time when the Great Captain carried the Spanish arms over Milan and Naples. The Republican party was powerful; the Carlists and Alfonsists irreconcilable representations of dynasties of race. If Prim had lived, the new monarchy might have found stable support, but only at the sacrifice of its own independence. The contention as to who should succeed the Progressist leader broke up the party, and thereby rendered the Ministry unstable, and any definite policy impossible. The Radicals, who regarded themselves as the true Progressist party, claimed in the Monarch that proprietary interest which Prim, if he had lived, would undoubtedly have claimed.

Entering upon this scene of political turbulence, with the meritorious ambition of being a purely constitutional monarch; of subjecting his own wishes to that of his Parliament; of choosing a Ministry representing the majority of the Chamber, and of playing the role of an impartial judge above the influence of political passion, Amadeo found himself continually identified with one party or another, and in attempting to avoid siding with either succeeded in irritating all, the Conservatives, because he had dissolved the Chamber in which they had a large majority, and the Radicals, because he had attempted to govern without their aid.

The Constitution of 1869 was incompatible with the existence of any monarchy, and gave a foothold for the attacks of all its adversaries. It made the monarchy the government of the country by Article 33; but this article, like any other, could, in accordance with Article 110, be amended by a mere vote of the Cortes, which always hung as a continued menace over the monarchy, and which would shape itself into action whenever there happened to be an anti-dynastic majority in the Chamber.

With an impossible system of parties and an impracticable Constitution, the artillery question placed the King in a position where, in the words of a Spanish writer, (Senor Juan Valera. See L'Espagne Politique, by Victor Cherbuliez) he must choose among three courses, - either to be eternally Radical, to fight, or to abdicate. He was already weary of the tutelage and patronage of the Radicals, and he had repeatedly declared his intention never to impose himself upon the nation. The third was the only resource left, and it may be affirmed that regret at the loss of his crown was not the keenest sentiment in the mind of the Duke of Aosta when he turned his back forever upon the country which was still to be harassed by "political tempests -- the most furious and the most horrible of all tempests."

Chapter V: Republican Dictatorships and the Coup d'Etat