Battle of Saalfeld 1806

Discussion

by Jean A. Lochet

We are going to take a look at the Battle of Saalfeld based on the book: Des Principes de la Guerre, (i.e. The Principles of War) [1] authored by Marshal Foch, the famous Supreme commander of the Allied Forces in WWI.

MARSHAL LANNES (1769-1809) IN SPITE OF HIS YOUNG AGE (HE IS ONLY 36) IS ALREADY A VETERAN AND AN EXTREMELY CAPABLE COMMANDER FORMED IN THE WARS OF THE REVOLUTION AND THE CAMPAIGN OF 1805. HE CAN BE CLASSIFIED AMONG THE TOP MARSHALS WITH DAVOUT AND MASSINA.

AT SAALFELD HE COMMANDS THE Vth CORPS AND WITH ONLY PART OF HIS CORPS, i,e. SUCHET'S DIVISION AND TRRLLIARD'S CAVALRY BRIGADE, HE IS GOING TO DEFEAT THE MORE NUMEROUS PRUSSIANS-SAXONS UNDER PRINCE LOUIS FERDINAND VON PRUSSEN (1772-1806).

PRINCE LOUIS FERDINAND VON PRUSSEN DOES NOT HAVE THE MILITARY EXPERIENCE OF LANNES. HE IS, ALONG WITH QUEEN LOUISE OF PRUSSIA, AMONG THE GREATEST ADVOCATES OF THE WAR PARTY WITH FRANCE. HE WAS AN EXTREMELY BRAVE MAN AND WAS KILLED AT THE END OF THE BATTLE.

This book is a summary of lectures delivered to the French Staff College by Marshal, then Lieutenant-Colonel, Foch back in 1903. Foch, like Bressonet and Colin, was part of the French Staff College and reflects the French military thoughts of the period.

Unlike Bressonet's Etudes Tactiques, Marshal Foch is not concerned with minor tactics, but with grand tactics and grand tactical to strategic principles, Hence formations are seldom mentioned in Foch's work. Yet, Marshal Foch's book is a very complete work on the art of war as seen in 1903. I would strongly recommend it to anyone, wargamer or professional soldier, to read it. For our part, we have learned a great deal on conducting a battle by reading the chapter covering Saalfield, we hope you will as well.

For our part, we'll be working exclusively with the chapter pertinent with the Battle of Saalfeld as it brings up all the principles involved in deploying and preparing an attack. These principles should be of the utmost interest to any wargamer trying to apply real tactics to wargames, What is most unusual in Foch's account of Saalfeld is that the timing as well as the details of the deployment are given in a very clear manner.

All the tactical and grand tactical comments presented in the following article are from Marshal Foch's work. Our comments and conclusions are clearly identified.

In addition, Marshal Foch provides us with a multitude of principles concerning the role of the vanguard during a lengthy deployment. Unfortunately, that part of his work is too lengthy and will have to wait to be examined in a future article.

I. The Grande Army and Lannes' Movements Prior to the Battle of Saalfeld

On October 9, 1806, the Grand Army, in three columns, is completing its crossing of the Frankenwald in order to enter Saxony. The advance guard of the army (First Corps and three cavalry Divisions under Murat) precedes the central column. It has beaten, at Saalburg and Schleiz, the Tauenzien Division.

In the right hand column, the head corps (IVth Corps) has reached Plausen and the VIth, which is following, is at Hof.

In the left hand column. the Vth Corps (Lannes) which forms the vanguard is coming from Coburg. On October 9, after a long and difficult march, it has reached Griffenthal with the Suchet Division and its cavalry: its Znd Division is four miles to the rear; the VIIth Corps (Augereaul has reached Cobourg (see Map 1).

MAP I SHOWING THE FORWARD MOVEMENT OF NAPOLEON'S BATTALION CARRE TOWARD SAALFELD-JENA, LANNES WITH THE V CORPS IS THE VANGUARD OF THE LEFT COLUMN. AUGEREAU'S VII CORPS FOLLOWS.

Napoleon knows the main enemy army to be under Brunswick is between Gotha and Erfurt. advance guard at Eisenach and Hohenlobes army to be at Jena, advance guard at Saalfeld. The Emperor believes the intention of the enemy is to march on Wurtzburg. the first army via Gotha and Meningen, the other via Saalfeld and Coburg, He has to foresee the possibility of his enemy's forestalling his central column, and attacking with superior forces the left column of the Grand Army. Hence the line of conduct he fixes for Marshal Lannes. [2]

He orders him:

    (1) To call up the VIIth Corps and to attack if the enemy has not more than 15,000 to 18,000 men.

    (2) In the contrary case, that is, if the enemy, after to hold on so as to give the Emperor the time to arrive with 20,000 to 25,000 men.

    (3) In case the enemy's rapid advance should not allow help the time to intervene, to withdraw to Griffenthal.

On October 10, Lannes Corps progresses toward Saalfeld at the speed of 4 kilometers (2 1/2 miles) an hour on a single column. The column consists of:

    (1) Advance Guard: A light cavalry brigade (Treillard): 9th and 10th Hussars, 21st Chasseurs of 3 squadrons each, 1 section of artillery (2 4-pdr), 1 "elite" battalion (8 companies of the last 4 regiments of the Division), the 17th Leger (2 battalions and 2 "elite" companies) under Claparede

    (2) Main Body: 34th of the Line (3 battalions), 40th, 64th, 88th of the Line (2 battalions each) and the Divisional artillery (2 12-pdr, 6 8-pdr and 2 howitzers.)

There is no interval between the advance guard and the main body. At the head of the troops rode Marshal Lannes, His Chief of Staff is General Victor, the eldest senior officer of the column, forty years old. The cavalry had been sent forward and pushed back some enemy patrols. A few enemy squadrons were seen above Saalfeld.

The cavalry brigade made up at a trot for the issue of the woods followed by the "elite" battalion which hurried forward. The Marshal arrived at the issue of the woods. A few enemy outposts had been established near the road and on the hills commanding Saalfeld. They were reconnoitered then attacked with infantry (first action at about 9 am). They were driven back.

The advance guard arrived in front of Saalfeld. It was nearly 10am.

II. The Initial Situation at Saalfeld

Marshal Lannes, at the head of his infantry, halts on the hill commanding Garnsdorf. This is what he sees: (See MAP 2)

MAP 2: SHOWING THE INITIAL SITUATION AT SAALFELD AT 10AM AND THE DEPLOYMENT OF THE PRUSSIAN ARMY AROUND 10-IIAN AS WELL AS THAT OF THE FRENCH INFANTRY AT THE SAME TIME.

At a distance of about two miles is the Saale valley, On the river, Saalfeld, a big town with a circumference of about 2 miles, 300 feet below the level of the woods. Garnsdorf is half way down the slope. More to the north is the small valley of the Siegenbach, then another, that of the Beulwitz brook and the towns of Beulwitz, Cresten and Wolsdorf. Further to the north, the ground rises and forms a spur which commands the bend of the Schwarza and its confluence with the Saale. Highest point of this rise is the Sandberg, The whole countryside is absolutely without cover.

The Marshall's observation is completed by studying the openly displayed enemy army. At the foot of the slopes, on three regularly and correctly drawn lines, appears a force that Marshal occupied by the enemy. A few enemy squadrons are seen maneuvering up-river above the town in the direction of the gap of the Saale.

The Prussian Division has its back to the Saale. In case of defeat, it can only retire over the bridge of Saalfeld or over that of Schwarza. It is easy to measure its force. It can not be reinforced for a long time. Lannes will therefore attack, according to the spirit of the orders he has received.

III. The Events and Intentions from the Prussian Side

Since October 7, the Division of Prince Louis -- the advance guard of Hohenlohe's army, including 18 squadrons, 12 battalions, 27 guns -- was cantoned north of Rudolstadt.

MAP OF THE SAALFELD BATTLEFIELD FROM BESSONET'S ETUDES TACTIQUES, SHOWING THE SAALFELD BATTLEFIELD AS IT WAS IN 1806. SAALFELD AND OTHER VICINITIES WERE MUCH SMALLER THAN TODAY AND THE GROUND MUCH MORE OPEN, IN ADDITION THE MAP SHOWS TOPOGRAPHIC DETAILS (THE ABOVE MAP IS SHOWING MORE TRAILS) OMITTED FROM THE MAPS 2, 3 AND 4.

It's outposts are spread out from Oberhof to Kahlerten and had reserves at Appurg (5 squadrons) and at the Blankenberg (3 battalions, 1/2 battery and 3 squadrons).

Jumbo Map (very slow: 313K)

On the 9th, Prince Louis, after hearing that Lannes' Corps had arrived at Graffenthal, concentrates his Division at Rudolstadt and orders Saalfeld to be occupied by the reserve at Blankenberg, less 1 battalion, and reinforced by a heavy battery (12 guns in all). There are, therefore, at Saalfeld, since the night of the 9th: 2 Prussian battalions, 1/2 light battery, 1 heavy 1 company of light infantry and 3 squadrons of hussars.

On the same day, the 9th, Prince Louis received from Prince Hohenlohe the order to come to Possnech via Saalfeld, as Boon as the posts of Blankenburg and Rudolstadt have been relieved by detachment's from Blucher. However, Prince Louis has a different idea of his own. He decides to give battle in order to save Saalfeld where there was a depot of stores.

Early in the morning of the 10th, having heard of the march of the French Corps on Saalfeld, he sets his Division moving toward Saalfeld via Schwarza. He arrives at about 9 as at a point in line with Wolsdorf, while the small advance guard action mentioned above is taking place. He forms his Division in three lines, on a low ridge placed to the left rear of Crosteft and in front and to the right of Graba.

What does Prince Louis intend to do? According to the 1806 Prussian doctrine, he has left to the French the uncomfortable and difficult slopes which rise towards the Woods and has kept to the bottom of the valley where regular maneuvers are easier. It is, in 1806, in the Prussian army a matter of principle that it is necessary to attack so to recreate the glorious 1757 victory at Rossbach all over again, That attack must take place when the enemy debouches from difficult ground. To attack in echelon is the last word of science. [3]

In order to achieve that maneuver, what you need before all else is an open ground for maneuver. The 1806 Prussians did not know how to fight in any other fashion. [4]

In addition, as a result of the 18th century views prevailing within the Prussian army, Prince Louis does not doubt that the French will take Saalfeld as an objective. Saalfeld is a storehouse, a road junction, a crossing over the Saale. (i.e, a complete geographical objective)

Unfortunately for Prince Louis, the French generals trained during the Wars of the French Revolution ignore the whole science of geographical points .....

V. Lannes Initial Dispositions and Deployment

In spite of the very clear Prussian dispositions, Lannes has nevertheless sent patrols to prevent any surprises. Light cavalry parties had also occupied Beulwitz as well as the eastern corner of the forest, on the right above the gap of the Saale. They scouted from that point in all directions in order to confirm all the reports concerning the enemy.

How is Lannes going to develop his attack against an enemy so neatly drawn on the foot of the hills?

He decides to attack from the left. In that direction, the attack may be prepared without the enemy being aware of it. The attack will be launched between Aue, the Sandberg and Wolsdorf, where the ground is easy to advance over, though hilly. It is now 10 am. The French column is arriving but the march grows slower because of the congestion of the road. Three to four hours pass before all the units can be deployed and assembled on the reconnoitered ground.

But, one must realize that during such a long lapse of time, the enemy may attack the debouching columns. He must be prevented from doing so. That is the task of the advance-guard.

To "stand on guard" is to get hold of everything that may help in checking the enemy's advance. Such is the first act in the preparation for the battle. [5]

So, Lannes ordered the following dispositions: (see Map 2)

    (1) The 'elite' battalion will continue to drive back on Saalfeld the Prussian posts holding the hill and will stop at Garnsdorf, which it will occupy in strength. Cavalry will place themselves in reserve at the bottom of the Siegenbach valley. Then, the 17th Le6ger will send its two "elite" companies to occupy the north-east corner of the wood facing the gap of the Saale, which they will have to defend. That regiment will occupy, with the reminder of its forces, Beulwitz, which it will reach by marching along the woods. The artillery section will fight at Garnsdorf. General Claparide will command at Beulwitz and General Victor will command at Garnsdorf and south of it,

    (2) The remainder of the Division will march through the wood or along the outskirts of the wood, making for Beulwitz (the remainder of the Division consists of four regiments and artillery),

    (3) The 'points d'appui' of Garnsdorf and Beulwitz must be connected by skirmishers. Cavalry are to establish themselves behind those skirmishers.

Later, after the troops shall have arrived in sufficient numbers, this front - which is still weak - will be consolidated by a reserve; it will be formed of the last two battalions arriving on the ground.

As seen from the above, Lannes' dispositions tends from the outset towards Beulwitz. At about 11, the French had established two companies at the southern corner of the wood, one battalion and two guns at Garnsdorf and two battalions at Beulwitz. [6]

From the corner of the wood to Beulwitz the distance is 3500 yards, Lannes is not afraid, as seen above, to spread his advance guard over so considerable a front. That is the 3 1/2 battalions and his cavalry brigade. It must be realized that, so far, troops are only taking possession of the ground, more or less being simple watchmen.

The artillery section (under Simonet), making use of a favorable position, opens fire against a much superior battery (12 guns, 1 heavy battery and 1/2 light one) and against the troops at Saalfeld, that is two battalions which are holding in the open the approach to that town. The artillery section is supported in its action by a line of skirmishers established on the ridge and by the occupation of Garnsdorf.

At Beulwitz, the 17th Leger has occupied the village and sent out skirmishers who, using gardens and orchards, have arrived near Crosten. Some scouting is also carried out to the north of this regiment by cavalry patrols. At Beulwitz as at Garnsdorf, the skirmishers have crept up on the formed, unsheltered enemy to deliver a very deadly target-fire.

Unopposed by the enemy, Lannes' troops continue to deploy and by 1 pm., the greater part of the French are found to have arrived as ordered.

VI. Preliminary Actions on the Prussian Side

As for the Prussians, what impression did they derive from all these actions?

All the information concerning them is borrowed from the work of an eye-witness, the Saxon engineer Mumpfling, author of the Vertraute Briefe.

After describing with little praise the situation in which the Prussian army was drawn up, he adds:

    "Can you not see us all in line before that threatening rampart and lying unsheltered on the narrow stretch of meadows which separates it from the Saale, with our back to the river? From that rampart, enemy skirmishers, [7] themselves under perfect cover, could easily pick out any one of us, without it being possible to return fire on completely invisible men; and this past time continued for several hours (apparently two hours, i.e. from 11 am to 1 pm, JAL). During that time, the French commanders, who, from their places, could thoroughly mark the weak points in our line, took their disposition accordingly....

    The maneuvers of the French were developing more and more, their object was to fend off the troops posted on the left wing above and near Saalfeld and to keep the whole front of the Prince's position busy with their skirmishers, always edging for the left, so as to envelop the Prince and out him off from the Schwarza.

The above, of course was written after the event and shows that the writer had understood what the French preparation aimed at. However, during the action itself, the intentions of the French were not so easy to discover. Save the fire of the skirmishers, nothing could be seen on the horizon, Reconnoitering parties sent out very early in the day saw columns marching on Biba, on the main road, and on Beulwitz. These columns, however, had all disappeared and, so far, nothing but an insignificant skirmish attack had taken place. What then are the intention of these colusns of which nothing is seen? One battalion (2nd Mufling) is sent to Schwarza.

At the same time an order arrives from Prince Hohenlohe to remain at Rudolstadt and not to attack, as the army is coming from Blankenhayen to the Saale.

A battery and and the 1st Mufling battalion is ordered to the Sandberg. Then, other battalions establish a link with the main Prussian body, The attack is ready....

A retreat by Schwarza, in case of a check, becomes more and more important. Hence, the Prince orders the foot battery and the 1st Mufling battalion to occupy the Sandberg.

Then, the Prince-Clement regiment is ordered to establish one battalion (the 1st) between Aue and Crosten, in order to connect this occupation of the Sandberg with the main body of the Division. The 2nd Clement battalion is to climb up on the Sandberg where it is to place itself on the right of the battery and of the 1st Mufling.

So far, the Prince's dispositions have committed two regiments and 12 guns to occupy and defend Schwarza and hills commanding that place. In addition, two battalions and 12 guns are occupying Saalfeld.

VII. The Prussian Attack

It is about 1 p.m.. After making all those concessions to the value of positions, Prince Louis, a very bold and enterprising men of action, decides to attack. He attacks straight in front of him with all the forces available: six battalions out of twelve (without artillery, without any kind of preparation). Four battalions are in the first line and two in the second.

As soon as that attack takes place going up east of the line Crosten- Beulwitz, its right is immediately fired upon by the numerous swarms of French skirmishers filling the gardens, orchards and hollow roads near the villages, still invisible and pouring a hail of bullets on the right of the attack. The Prussian line wavers, stops, answers by volley fire -- without much result -- when, at the same moment, it is attacked in flank by two battalions of the 34th, which after marching under the cover of the slopes, appear and charge in column with drums beating, General Suchet at their head.

MAP 3 SHOWING THE PARTIAL REDEPLOYMBNT OF THE PRUSSIANS PRIOR TO THEIR ATTACK AND THE LOCATION OF THE FRENCH, THE TIME IS ABOUT 1 PM.

The ordeal is too severe, The Xavier regiment falls back, the left of the line withdraws in the same way (regiment of the Elector), The 17th Leger follows on their heals into Crosten, but is taken in flank by the reformed Prussians, mainly by the regiment of the Elector, which had not suffered too badly. The 17th, having no cartridges left, loses Crosten and retires on Beulwitz, where it is relieved by the 64th, and goes over to the reserve.

VIII. Lannes' Attack

It is about 2 p.m- Marshal Lannes find's that the situation is maturing:

    (1) All his troops are present and deployed;
    (2) the enemy has been well reconnoitered;
    (3) he has been immobilized;
    (4) his forces are in a dispersed order and already shaken.

He decides to attack in the direction previously decided upon, i.e. between Beulwitt and Crosten. He will strike the enemy mass in the plain with the main forces of the Division. That is the Claparede brigade (17th and 64th) attacking in front and the Reille brigade (34th and 40th) attacking in flank.

But he must, before that attack, protect himself against the troops holding the Sandberg and Aue and give the two attacking brigades the space required for deployment.

The Reille brigade is entrusted with that two fold task, Consequently, it marches in the direction of the Sandberg toward Aue wood under the protection of skirmishers. The 34th being in the first line. In echelon to the left rear comes the 40th and in echelon to the right rear, the 21st L6ger. [8]

The brigade first strikes the Clement regiment. then the battery of the Sandberg, 15 guns, which it captures. The 40th is almost entirely spent in this struggle against the battery and it's support, so it shall secure the vital points: Aue and the Sanberg. As ordered, a pursuit is carried out with part of his forces and with what is remains available, the wing attack upon the enemy right flank, The 34th will carry out the attack.

It is nearly 3 pm. The moment has come to conclude the whole affair and to carry out the final attack that has been planned since the morning.

The artillery has arrived in the meantime. It is ordered to take position near Beulwitz. Then it advances and by firing a few rounds of canister, prepares the infantry attack.

Lannes orders the charge to be beaten and sounded on the whole line. Then, on that enemy already shaken by fire, arrives "masses of infantry which, coming down at full speed from the heights, falls on the Prussians battalions like wild torrents and rout them in one instant" (Marbot).

Engineer Mumpfling also describes this very well:

    "At about 3." he writes, "the French columns fell upon us like an avalanche. In the twinkling of an eye, we found ourself out up into three bodies. surrounded by a circle of fire and forced back on the river."

Such are the results from the Prussian side. But what had happened on the French side?

At the general signal of attack given by Lannes, all the troops near Beulwitz pushed forward. Thus was launched:

    (1) A frontal attack, including to the right, 9th and 10th hussars, in the center, 54th Line, to the left 21st Leger; having in the second line the 87th Line and 17th Leger.

    (2.) A flank attack, 34th Line (3 battalions).

So, Marshall Foch remarks that we have the whole cavalry, the whole artillery (less 2 guns) and 4 infantry regiments (out of 5) attacking, all at once, an enemy already shaken by fire. The attack was carried from a short distance (i.e. by surprise) and a superiority of means on the very point of the enemy line which had been selected as the easiest to approach and specially prepared as a point of attack, The front of the attack was 1500 to 1800 yards wide for all the acting troops. This is less than the 300 yards of front to a battalion prescribed by the regulations.

It is mainly the French left which strikes the more advanced Prussian wing. To the right, we find cavalry supported by infantry (88th), They came down in one mass to the plain.

That cavalry soon found a favorable opportunity for charging the Prussian infantry, which was being hard pressed on all sides by the French infantry and fired on by artillery. The cavalry charged and sabered through the mass of men for half an hour. Prince Louis of Prussia, seeing his infantry beaten, hurried up to his squadrons near Wolsdorf, but all the cavalry force he could muster consisted of only five weak squadrons. Nevertheless he came on, but in vain, at their head attacking the 9th and 10th hussars, who were advancing to complete the work of the infantry. The superior strength of the hussars enabled them to overlap both flanks of the enemy, who had been, moreover disorganized by the uneven ground.

The Prussian defeat was complete, There remained nothing but fugitives flying as best as they could towards Blankenberg, Schwarta or across the Saale.

IX. Combats Around Garnsdorf, Saalfeld, and the Pursuit

MAP 4: SHOWING THE FINAL ACTIONS AND THE PRUSSIAN LINE OF RETREAT, PRINCE LOUIS WAS KILLED AT THE POINT SHOWN ON THE MAP.

At the moment the general attack started, General Victor had assembled at Garnsdorf his "elite" battalion, both companies of the 17th (that had been previously placed in the wood) and marched on Saalfield which he carried. Then he continued the pursuit of the enemy as far as Rudolstadt by the right bank of the Saale.

Pursuit was also continued in the direction of the Schwarza. Claparede there led a whole brigade (17th and 34th), which drove the enemy back beyond Blankenberg and crossed the Schwarza.

According to Foch, fifteen hundred prisoners, four flags, twenty five guns, two howitzers, six wagons, such were the trophies of the day, But we should point out that no one has related with precision the losses in dead of the Prussians. Hoepfner claims that the Prussian and Saxon losses were under 2000 killed, wounded and prisoners, That appears to be too light of a loss. Housaye gives a figure of 3000 killed, wounded and prisoners which is apparently closer to the truth

The French losses, according to Lannes were light: 172 casualties. The Simonet artillery section of 2 4-pdr had fired 264 rounds, The divisional artillery had not used quite so such ammunition - about 236 rounds, The infantry had fired about 200,000 cartridges which makes the rather considerable average of 20 per man.

X. Conclusions

We find confirmation of many points argued in our previous article on Bressonet's conclusions.

DEATH OF PRINCE LOUIS AT SAALFELD ON OCTOBER 10 1806 (COMPOSITION BY R. KNOTEL)

The main point here concerns the effectiveness of unopposed skirmishers. At Saalfeld, their effectiveness is recognized by Foch as well as by a Saxon eyewitness to the ordeal. Like at Jena, we see formed troops standing for hours under the fire of unopposed skirmishers as reported by Engineer Mumpfling:

    "From that rampart, enemy skirmishers could easily pick out any one of us.... and this past time lasted for several hours."

Was that an isolated instance during the Campaign of 1806? Certainly not. In EE&L 2, in our analysis of Bressonet's conclusions we also presented another similar eyewitness account at the Battle of Jena, That of Lieutenant von Borcke of Ruchel's Corps in which Von Borcke states:

    However, from a great distance, the bullets of hostile skirmishers already reached us; they were placed formidably in the front of us laying down in the field, bushes and covers; we were unacquainted with such tactics; the bullets appeared to come from the air. To be under such fire without seeing the enemy made a bad impression on our soldiers. Then, because of the unfamiliarity with this sort of fighting, they lost their confidence in their muskets and immediately felt the superiority of the adversary. They therefore suffered, already being in a critical position, very quickly in bravery, endurance and calmness and could not wait for the time to fire themselves which soon proved to be to our disadvantage."

We have there a very similar situation of troops exposed to unopposed skirmishers but this time note the terrible effect that the combined fire of the artillery and the unopposed skirmishers had on Richel's Corps, The very same thing had taken place a little earlier in the front of Viergehnheiligen where that deadly combination of unopposed skirmisher fire and artillery took a heavy toll of Hohenlobe's troops that stood there, inactive, for two hours, while Napoleon's reserves were building up for the final onslaught which routed Hohenlohe's command as it later did fichel's Corps, The very same had taken place at Saalfeld.

From the above, I can only reiterate the effectiveness of unopposed skirmishers in somewhat shaking up an enemy line and repeat my statement published in EE&L 2.

However, I do partially agree with Bressonet on the following:

    But, it is also evident to report that if, on open ground, the fact of not using tirailleurs in liaison with the line battalions has been more costly to the Prussian battalions in their effort to advance, the lack of tirailleurs did not prevent them from resisting us vigorously until the action of new French troops on the weak points of their line or on their flanks forced them to give in."

Which does not mean that if the tirailleurs had been used by the Prussians, their ability to resist would not have been better!

But let us not be carried away by tactics and forget the main and most important principles outlined by Marshal Foch, because tactics alone do not win battles.

Perhaps the most striking point to any wargamer is the considerable amount of time needed at Saalfeld for Lannes to deploy his troops and prepares his final attack. He patiently prepared the battle for 6 hours! But let us go back to Foch.

The theory which has been put in practice by Lannes is obvious, One clearly sees how the maneuver of long duration (from 9 am to 3 pm) aims exclusively at bringing about the powerful, undisputable conclusion by means of all the main forces. Such conclusion being preceded by a preparation to which the smallest number possible were devoted.

The determination of the point where to execute the main and final effort is very important. The direction selected for attack must include good means of access, few obstacles and space to maneuver in force. Of the main body in reserve for the final attack, two parts must exist:

    (1) A main one, devoted to the decisive attack (17th, 34th and 64th),

    (2) The security disposition for that attack, the weaker (88th), designed to support and protect the decisive attack. In any case: this is the last reserve of the front.

In the process of execution (through maneuver and/or fire), the decisive attack would tend to achieve such a combination -- envelopment or attack in front and in flank -- as would enable numerical superiority to develop all the effects of which it is capable. The attack in front and the attack in flank remaining in any case closely connected with each other.

The decisive attack should be carefully prepared by artillery. Finally, at the moment when the enemy is worn down and held on his front, threatened on his most exposed flank, and about to be assaulted by the decisive main attack; we add the final ingredient. A general attack across the entire battle line is let loose, today as in the past, in order to prevent the enemy from parrying the final effort.

Then comes the pursuit, without truce or mercy, with troops as well in hand as possible, commanded at Saalfeld by Victor and Claperede.

That theory of the decisive attack had been perfectly grasped by the Prussians of 1813, from studying the wars of the Empire.

Proof:

    INSTRUCTIONS FOR OFFICERS COMMANDING CORPS, BRIGADES ETC, DELIVERED BY KING FREDERICK WILLIAM DURING THE TRUCK OF 1813:

    "As it has come to my notice that, during actions and battles, the various arms have not been always conveniently brought into action and that dispositions in view of battle are generally unsatisfactory, I desire upon the occasion of the coming resumption of hostilities, to recall the following rules of war:

    These are the general principles:

      (1) In view of the manner in which our enemy is mating war, it is generally unwise to begin a battle with cavalry, or to bring all the troops immediately into action, owing to the way in which he uses his infantry, he succeeds in delaying and supporting the action; he carries villages and woods, bides behind houses, bushes and ditches; he knows how to defend himself skillfully against our attacks by attacking himself; he inflicts on us losses with a few troops, when we advance against him in great masses; he then relieves those troops, or send fresh ones into action and, if we have no fresh troops to oppose his, he compels us to give way. We must draw therefrom this principle, which is the enemy's, that we must spare our forces and support the action until we turn to the main attack.

      (2) Our artillery has not produced a great effect, because it has been too much divided

      (6) War in general, but above all, the issue of battle, depends upon superiority of forces on one point.

      (7) In order to secure this superiority of forces, it is necessary to deceive the enemy concerning the real front of attack and to make a false attack and a real attack.

      (8) Both attacks must be masked by skirmishers, so that the enemy should be unable to distinguish the difference.

      (9) A line of skirmishers is first of all to be sent out. The attention of the enemy is to be drawn by several battalions designed to fire on one of the wings, on which guns must be firing heavily at the game moment. Battle must be ordered in that fashion.

      (10) Meanwhile, the real attack is still postponed and it only begins later on, at the moment when the enemy's attention is entirely turned on the false attack.

      (11) The real attack is made as quickly and as vigorously as possible and above all by a large mass of artillery and infantry, of a superior force, if possible, while a particular corps goes round the enemy flank. In principle, a commander should devote one brigade [10] to the false attack, two brigades to the real one and have one brigade in reserve.

    "These are principles which are well known to you and which have been several times recommended. We have put them frequently into practice in our peace maneuvers but I remind you of them, because what is known is sometimes forgotten, because though a simple thing may seem to be commonplace, yet victory often depends upon it. Unless one is careful to recall it everyday to mind, one indulges in combinations which are too scientific, or, what is worse, one goes into battle without having taken any disposition whatever."

Then Foch goes on to his own conclusions:

'As we see, after explaining the theory of the preparatory attack, or false attack, and of the decisive attack, which he calls the real attack, after showing by what kind of actions this theory must express itself, the King states, in order to make more precise for the use of undecided minds: 'Out of four brigades, you shall devote one in the false attack, two to the real one and one to the reserve.' Later on, a prefect will lay down the formula: a third in order to open, a third in order to wear down and a third in order to finish." XI. Further Conclusions from J. Lochet

So here we are, the King has laid down the Napoleonic principles of war. [11]

In addition, all the true principles of war have been presented for us, We just have to apply the&, providing we have our own self discipline to obey principles (see what the King says) and also realistic rules that allow us to practice them, (And that is far from a sure bet!). All of this constitutes the nuts and bolts of the Napoleonic battle.

So, what happened at Saalfeld?

Basically:

(1) Prince Louis didn't concentrate his command. Quite the contrary, he dispersed it. So did Hohenlobe at Jena.

(2) In sharp contrast with the Prussian commander, the unfortunate Prince Louis, all the above Napoleonic principles were applied by Marshall Lannes at Saalfeld. That's what gave him victory.

(3) Tactics were secondary. It certainly was not the minor tactics or the formations used columnar or linear - that were the decisive factor but the careful planning of the final onslaught, Granted, the absence of skirmishers did not help the Prussians. But formations and tactics - although a significant help - were used to fit a tactical situation at a given moment and were not an end by themselves.

Once more it is the application of the above principles that won the victory. Take away these principles and one has nothing.

A much more complete comparison between French and Prussian tactics and grand tactics in 1806 can be found in the fine article authored and presented by Scott Bowden at Historicon '92: "French and Prussian at War: 1806 -- A Discussion of the Battlefield Myths and Realities of the Saalfeld-Jena-Auerstadt" to be found in EE&L 1. The top photo shows open ground from Wolsdorf towards the Saale. In 1806, the Saalfeld battlefield looked that open, but that is no longer so. The bottom photo shows the ground from the Sandberg towards Saalfeld. That part of the battlefield is still much the way it was in 1806 and gives a good idea how Lannes was able to deploy without being seen by the Prussians. It is also ideal Skirmishier country. The Battlefield Today

Most of the Saalfeld battlefield has considerably changed since 1806. It is no longer possible to see the entire battlefield as Marshal Lannes did when he emerged from the road to Coburg. Garnsdorf, the suburb of Saalfeld like that city itself, has expended considerably and is now heavily wooded. All the other battlefield features with the notable exception of that of the Sandberg are no longer recognizable. Prince Louis area of initial deployment is covered by army barracks.

The Sandberg, as shown on one of the photographs, gives an idea of the ground around Saalfeld in 1806. The map reproduced below gives a good idea on how Lannes was able to deploy his troops without being seen by the Prussians. In addition, it was ideal skirmisher's country.

Footnotes

[1]> The translation The Principles of War have been published in 1920 by Henry Holt and Co, New York.
[2]> That line of conduct is clearly seen in the letters between Napoleon and Marshal Lannes too numerous to quote here.
[3]> See Clausewitz On War, pp. 247-8 quoted in BEL 2.
[4]> Marshal Foch. The Principles of War, p. 311. For an extensive coverage of the Oblique Order, see EEL 4.
[5]> Such dispositions include the occupation of ridges, etc. Unfortunately, that is too lengthy a subject to be covered in the present article.
[6]> The enemy reconnaissances report the French troops coming on three columns, which greatly surprises the Prussians, who always use a single-column system.
[7]> Skirmishers were trained to fire on officers.
[8]> Note that the flanks of the attack are protected by the troops deployed in echelons capable of counter-attacking any troops that might threaten those flanks.
[9]> In all battles, the casualties are always very hard to establish with any degree of confidence. The ordnance captured at Saalfeld is also hard to determine. Foch's number is 25 guns and 2 howitzers. Suchet in his report mentions that he captured 1500 to 1800 prisoners, 15 Prussian and 18 Saxon guns or a total of 33, That is 6 more than Foch reports (He appears to always low ball the enemy losses), We know that Prince Louis had only 2 1/2 batteries with his. One of the batteries had 8 guns, the 1/2 battery 4 guns and the third 12 guns - total 24, of which 8 were horse artillery. There were also 16 guns attached to the infantry battalions. Grand total of 40 guns, Since Pelet had 4 guns (half a battery), which escaped with him, and all the other guns were lost, the French should have taken the difference or 36 guns. These figures simply don't add up.
[10]> Do not forget that in 1813, the Division does not exist in the Prussian army. Hence, organizationally speaking a Prussian brigade is the equivalent of a French Division.
[11]> Foch does not mention King Frederick William's principles 13, 14, or 15.


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