Even before the Civil War had unleashed a deepening of political awareness among the classes from yeomen, through to the apprentices, labourers and the poorest of the common people, Charles I had warned his rebellious Parliament 'at last the common people [may] set up for themselves, call parity and independence liberty . . . destroy all rights and properties, all distinctions of families and merit.'

Perhaps monarchy above all instituted forms of government understands that the slightest change in power control can cause a swift depreciation in the overall acceptability of man's perception of his place in society. Once one layer of the community seeks change, the domino effect upon other layers of society will inevitably occur. In 1639 the Scottish poet Drummond wrote in a like way of:

'whether these great commotions and discords may not dissolve in bellum servile and peasants, clowns, farmers, base people all in arms, may not swallow the nobles and gentry, invest their possessions, adhere together by a new Covenant, and follow our example.'

Not Quite Neutral

The natural communal strength of the artisan class, along with smallholders and tenant farmers, can be witnessed in the so-called midland, southern and west country 'Clubmen', who had in the English Civil War declared for neutrality, but were encouraged in their nonallegiance by the pro Royalist and Parliamentarian gentry in their home areas. There is little firm evidence to support a theory that club activity was organized along masonic lines or master-craftmens' associations, but the circumstantial evidence is overwhelmingly so.

The Fenlands of pre-war East Anglia had long been dominated by masonic styled groups, the order of the Heron to which Cromwell is reputed to have belonged being only one of many. In the West Country the ancient crafts of stone masonry and tin mining still had their guilds, while in the west Midlands the metalworkers had long established charters and guilds. Even among the banners of Civil War officers can be found masonic symbolism, the red hand, the eye of the Trinity, and Anchor and Scales bearing witness.

In the late 1620s Dorset, Wiltshire, Cloucestershire, Worcestershire and Shropshire had seen risings against land enclosures. These same areas in the winter of 1644-45 saw a mutual defence society formed by artisans, farmers and peasants, initially of the west Midlands, against the 'robberies, ravishings and innumerable wicked actions, committed by the barbarous soldiers' of both sides.

The Midland Clubmen were initially non-political, although because of the disposition of Royalist garrisons along the Welsh borders, it would in this area be the King's troops which suffered most. In December 1644 the people of Newport and Wenlock in Shropshire refused to pay their levy to the Royalist Governor of Shrewsbury, while in the Clun Forest and Bishops Castle areas hundreds of country people assembled under arms declaring'themselves to be neither for the King or Parliament, but stand upon their own guard for the preservation of their lives and fortunes'.

So vehement were these Clubmen, that rather than aggravate the situation, the King abandoned the garrisons of Stokesay Castle and Leigh House.

Another Action

Three months later on 5 March there was a repeat action in Worcestershire, where, at a gathering on Woodbury Hill a massed crowd of between one and two thousand Clubmen declared, 'that we, our wives and children have been exposed to utter ruin by the outrages and violence of the soldier... are now enforced to associate ourselves in a mutual league for each others defence.'

Throughout Worcestershire those parishes which had declared themselves with the Club movement obtained powder and arms, while every parishioner worth 10 furnished himself with a musket. Thus armed the villages could defend themselves and refuse to pay the levies imposed on them. It is worth considering that this spontaneity of popular demonstration was perhaps more orchestrated than the accounts would have one believe. Where for example did village obtain powder and muskets at a time when arms were 'taken' by both sides, unless from the Parliamentarians?

Later in March the Clubmen from Herefordshire refused free quarter, recruits or money for the Royalists, and when the governor the county town sent a company to Broxash to collect these taxes, a near riot occurred. The news of the affair quickly spread through Herefordshire until between 15,000 and 16,000 Clubmen, aided by men from neighbouring counties, assembled before the walls of Hereford itself. Their demands were recorded by John Corbet as being:

'that such as theirs as were held prisoners there, should be delivered forthwith; that satisfaction be given to the country for the loss the! sustained by plunder, as also to the wives and children of those the were slaine: that the country might be freed from contribution and al manner of payment to the souldier; that since the present forces of Hereford were not able to defend the county, they forthwith quit the garrison, and leave it to be kept by the country, who are able to defend the same, and the whole country with less charge.'

The Princes Come

The Clubmen were however unable to carry through their demands, for on 29 March 1645 Prince Rupert and his brother Prince Maurice arrived in the county to reap retribution upon the insurgents.

Fearing the warlike reputation of the princes, many Clubmen made their way to Ledbury, where the Parliamentary governor of Cloucester, Edward Massey, had come to offer assistance, By the second week April, the alarm was given that Prince Rupert was approaching with reputed, if exaggerated, 6,000 horse and foot, and lay about Worcester and the Welsh borders, with a plan to strike northward,

To counter this action, Massey with 400 horse and 500 foot stayed et Ledbury, where on the 21st he was quartered ready for any policing action needed to hinder Rupert's move north. However, the Prince, being a man never awaiting an invitation to engage in battle, on the morning 22 April arrived within half a mile of the small town.

Rushworth gives brief account of the action which followed, saying the Prince came early the Morning within half a mile of Ledbury before any discovery was made to Massey who instantly caused his Horse to Mount, and drew up the Foot as well as he could; the Prince and the Lord Loughborough Charged into the Town several ways with great fury, and Massey fearing to Hemmed in, ordered his Foot to March away through the Enclosures with all the speed they could, and he himself with the Field Officers and Horse entertain'd the Prince, and secured the Retreat as well as he could for three or four Miles, yet at one place, some of the Prince's Horse forced their way and fell into the Rear of Massey's Foot, and took near 200 Prisoners in the whole action, amongst whom were two Captains, and Serjeant Major Bacchus who died soon after of his Wounds:

On the other side the Prince lost some Commanders, and many Common Soldiers, and was disappointed of his main End, which was utterly to have ruined. Massey and therefore not thinking it fit to advance Northward, retired back between Worcester and Heret'ord and vigorously endeavoured supply his Army with large Recruits out of those Parts. But his Majesty Person, with most of the Train, and a considerable party of Foot being then in Oxford, a Convoy of Horse, reputed about 2000 was ordered froo Worcester and those Parts, to fetch them off from Oxford, that bei joined they might take the Field together.

Edward Massey despite his youth, was among the best of Parliament's Generals. His expertise in securing passage through the Severn Valley, with only a bare minimum of troops, had meant the main field armies were released from tight garrison duty and could take the advantage of their numbers.

The sight of Rupert's cavaliers was however too much, and the majority of the Club army melted into the countryside. After a brief but bloody battle with Massey and the remnants of the 'clubbers', Rupert exacted a severe revenge upon them, taking what provisions his forces needed, and ordering each person to undertake an oath of loyalty to the King 'without exception all persons of what quality soever . . . of all and every town, parish and village.'

So ended the influence of the Midland Clubmen, but if they failed to bring peace to the Severn and Wye Valley, their passing seems to signify a fall in Royalist tortunes. Soon the New Model Army would gain control of military dominance, and garrison after garrison would fall to the pArliamentarians.

Clubman influence nevertheless, was far from over elsewhere. On Monday 30 June 1645, only sixteen days after the battle of Naseby, the New Model Army marching west through Wiltshire, had finally reached the old town of Marlborough. Some officers who had ridden on to quarter at Salisbury had witnessed the resentment of the locals, and considered many of whom wore 'white ribbons in their hats' to be an affront to their own colours.

If local hostility to the authority of Parliament was apparently visible, the Royalists' open threat was more so. While Prince Rupert and Goring were in the field, and Taunton is still unrelieved, Fairfax did not wish to alienate vast areas of the countryside.

Negotiations

The negotiations between Fairfax and the local Clubmen's leaders continued throughout July. The sheer fact that talks could take place at all between officers of Parliament and localized groups, gives no credence to the view that the Clubmen were a disorganized rabble. Certainly they were primarily untrained and unable to offer a conventional stylized battle against either King or Parliament, but neither could they be ignored. The nuisance value of the Clubmen in occupying counties where regular soldiers were serving, was immeasurable in Fairfax's overall stratagem, but for over a week he kept the situation on a low simmering flame.

The war-like neutrality' of the Clubmen, boiled over on 4 August, when Oliver Cromwell received intelligence that a loosely organized and lightly armed group of supposedly neutral clubbers', had a arranged a rendezvous in the area of Shaftsbury.

Joshua Sprigg gives a long detailed account of the action which followed:

As he was marching towards Shaftsbury with the party, they discovered some colours upon the top of a high hill, full of wood, and almost inaccessible; a Lieutenant with a small party was sent to them to know their meaning and to acquaint them that the Lieut. General of the Army was there; whereupon Mr.Newman, one of their leaders, thought fit to come down, and told us the intent was to desire to know why the Gentlemen were taken at Shaftsbury on Saturday; the Lieutenant-Gen.returned him this answer; that he held himself not bound to give him, or them an account; what was done was by authority, and they that did it were not acresponsible to them that had none.

But not to leave them wholly unsatisfied, he told him that those persons so met, had been the occasions and stirrers of many tumultuous meetings, for which they were to be tried by law, which trial ought not by them to be questioned, or interrupted.

Mr.Newman desired to go up to return the answer; the Lieutenant General with a small party went with him, and had some conference with the people to this purpose; that whereas they pretended to meet there to save their goods, they took a very ill course for that.

To leave their houses was the way to lose their goods; and it was offered them, that Justice should be done upon any who offered them violence; and as for the Gentlemen taken at Shaftsbury; it was only to answer some things they were accused of which they had done contrary to Law, and the peace of the Kingdom. Herewith they seeming to be well satisfied, promised to return, to their houses, and accordingly did so.

Greater Numbers

These being thus quietly sent home, the Lieutenant general advanced further, to a meeting of a greater number, of about 4000, who betook themselves to Hambleton Hill, near Shrawton; at the bottom of the hill ours met a man with a musquet, and asked whither he was going, he said, to the Club-Army; ours asked what he meant to do, he asked what they had to do with that. Being required to lay down his Arms, he said he would first lose his life, but was not so good as his word, for though he cockt, and presented his musquet, he was prevented, disarmed and wounded, but not killed.

Then ours marched up the hill, which had been an old Romane-work, deeply trenched. The Lieut-general sent before a Lieutenant with a party of horse, to require an account of their meeting; he was answered with half a dozen shot, and could get no other answer thereupon one Mr. Lee. who opon the approach of ours came from them, was sent in, requiring them to submit to the power and protection of the Parliament, and lay down their Arms, they refused to leave their Arms, and gave ours a shot as they were drawing up, the Lieut.General, unwilling to bloodshed, sent Mr.Lee again, to tell them, that if they would not lay down their Arms, he would fall upon them; they refused this third message also, through the instigation of one Mr.Bravel, Minister of Compton, who told them they must stand to it now, rather than lose their Arms, and that he would Pistol them that gave back.

Thereupon Order was given to the Generals Troop to fall on, who did so, and received a repulse, and some loss through the disadvantage of the place, for the Club-men shot from the bank of the old Work, and kept the passage with musquets, and other weapons, which was no broader than for three horse to march abrest; upon this attempt we lost a man or two, had eight or nine wounded, six or seven horses kiled.

Upon this Major Desborough with the Generals owne Regiment [Fairfax's] went round about a ledge of the hill, and made a hard shift to climb up and enter on their rear; which they no sooner discerned, but after a short dispute they ran, and the passage formerly assaulted was opened, and all the Club-men dispersed, and disarmed, some slain, many wounded, the rest fled and tumbled down that great steep hill, to the hazard of their necks.

Influence

The incident at Hambleton [or Hamilton] Hill may be only a small, and in reality, quite insignificant consequence to the major history of the civil wars. Yet there can be no doubt that a direct Royalist influence v.as behind many of the western Club rendezvouses, a point proven by the royal correspondence taken at Sherborn. In 1655 many Wiltshire gentlemen involved in Club activity ten years earlier, were investigated in connection with Penruddock's Rising, some finding themselves transported to Virginia for their pains.

A similar artisan led force had appeared early in the war, led by Tinker Fox, the Birmingham blacksmith who declared his loyalty to Parliament.

Although John Fox had a lowly pedigree he did through ability quickly climb to be a Colonel in Lord Denbigh's forces. Men like Fox, and to some degree John Okey, used the war to raise their status, other men would lose their status, property and their lite.

That the polarization of a political stance can leave part of a community disenfranchised within its own boundaries, is witnessed by the Clubmen of 1645. To a man whose sole estate in life is his home and family, and to whom prosperity or poverty is a dangerous balance sustained by the skill of his hands, the common law of the mob is perhaps the final solution.

NOTES & REFERENCES

(1) Charles I's answer to the Nineteen Propositions, 18 June 1642.
(2) W.Drummond, The Magical Mirror (1639) quoted by C.Hill. The World Turned Upside Down, p.24
(3) B.S.Manning,'Neutrals and Neutralism in the English Civil war, 1642-1646' (unpublished D.Phil thesis Bodleian Library 1957): Tbe usual definition of 'Clubman' is a ill-armed or peasant armed (pitchfork, scythe, etc) force of longly country dwellers. However, those who treated with Fairfax and Cromwell were small traders, low clergy and artisans, which tend to contradict this view. A better definition therefore could be the lower quality tradesmen and artisan classes which pre-war made up the unskilled Militia.
(4) see the paintbook of Jonathon Turmile, Dr.Williams Library for examples.
(5) B Whitelocke, Memorials of the English Affairs (1682) p. 120
(6) R. Sherwood, The Civil warin the Midlands 1642-1651, (Stroud 1992), p. 125
(7) Diary of Henry Townshend of Emley Lovett 1640-1663 vol iii, p.222, ed.J.W.Wdlis-Bund (Worcester Historical society 1916)
(8) J Corbet. History of the Military Government of the citie of Gloucester (1647) p.l32
(9) Rushworth vol. i pt.iv, p.23
(10) Ibid
(11) Massey was born hetween 1617-19 and was only therefore in his mid twenties when becoming Major-General to the western Association's forces in 1645.
(12) Diary, of Henry Townshend of Emley Lovett. vol iii, pp.231-232
(13) J Sprigg, England's Recovery (1647) pp.78-80
(14) A reappraisal of John Penruddock's rebellion and the inquiry carried out by John Thurloe is long overdue.
(15) J.W. Willis-Rund. 'A Civil War Parliament: Soldier Tinker Fox', Associated Archneological Societies Reports and Papers. xxv. pp. 373-400.

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