Erga, 2001, $20, ISBN: 88-8163-244-6, 203 pgs, soft cover.

This translated reprint of 1999's Il Conflitto Anglo-Francese in Nord America tackles the political and military history of the Seven Years War in North America. Save for a rare lapse in terminology, it reads remarkably well for a translated work, and indeed, stems from the fact that it is well-written.

The opening chapters set the scene for the conflict and replay the endless series of skirmishes, with the occasional set battle, with elegance. While not a thick tome, Rosselli provides ample political and military framework to judge the effectiveness or ineffectiveness of the British and French policies towards the colonies.

Jumonville

Of note, especially to us Americans who have heard nothing but positive feedback about the life of George Washington, is a small incident on May 26, 1754. After all, he is the "father of our country," pillar of virtue, and a man who could not tell a lie. According to Rosselli, Washington ambushed a small French military party of 28 militia and Indians, three military cadets, an interpreter, an "officer" named Drouillon, and three other men (34 total) headed by "ensign" Coulon de Jumonville. It is a war, of course, but this attack apparently occurred under some sort of flag of truce.

Jumonville, having been sent to find the English and tell them to get out of New France, finds Washington's force and proceeds to read a letter composed by the French commander:

It has come to my knowledge that you have entered the territory of my sovereign. I am therefore sending M. Jumonville to clarify matters. On behalf of my governor, I ask that you make a peaceful withdrawal from our territory. I am also bound to remind you that if you refuse to comply with my request, I shall be obliged to expel you forcefully. The fact that some of your Indian allies have "ceded" the Belle Riviere area (Ohio) to you does not give you the right to consider it yours, since these lands have for a long time been the property of the French Crown. Finally, I must warn you that if, after receiving this request, you remain with your troops on French territory, all of the inevitably serious consequences will fall upon your head alone, since it is the desire of the King of France to maintain friendly relations with England. Whatever your intentions may be, I trust that you will, in any case, treat M. Jumonville with all the respect due to him as an officer and ambassador.

Colonel Washington let Jumonville finish reading the document and then ordered his men to open fire. Jumonville and nine of his men fell to the ground. Taken totally by surprise, the rest of the French militiamen and Indians were captured and taken in chains to Winchester, where they arrived on 24th June. Only one of Jumonville's men managed to escape and return to Fort Duquesne - a sturdy, thirty-six-year-old Canadian named Monceau. He had been tracked by a party of ferocious Iroquois scouts but had managed to make it back despite the perils he had encountered. After walking for six days through the forest, he arrived barefoot and half-dead from hunger at the French fort, where he reported events to Contrecoeur. His report was confirmed by five Iroquois and an English soldier who were later captured by the French near the Ohio. Captain Contrecoeur sent messengers to inform the governor of New France, who then gave orders to fortify all of the Ohio strongholds. [pg. 26]

Well, I certainly missed that part of Washington's personal history. In a more favorable Washington biography, the event is described as a skirmish (no letter read) in which the ambushing French were out-ambushed by Washington. The letter was threatening, but oh the timing of the volley.

Rosselli picks up the saga of Washington, who retreated back to Fort Necessity after this "incident."

On 26th June 1754, Captain de Villiers arrived with reinforcements from Fort Chartres (a settlement falling under the jurisdiction of Louisiana). He brought with him three hundred Illinois and Osage Indians, fifty French soldiers and a number of boats loaded with arms, ammunition and supplies. De Villiers, who was Jumonville's half-brother, was given permission by Contrecoeur to lead a punitive expedition against the English at Fort Necessity. On 28th June, a column of about five hundred Indians and French soldiers marched towards the enemy stronghold. On 3rd July, the French attacked Fort Necessity, which was defended by only a dozen small-calibre cannon and a garrison of three hundred, composed of English, American and Indian fighting men. The troops of De Villiers attacked the stockade all day long and the English finally surrendered on the following day. Colonel Washington had managed to slip away during the night with some members of the garrison. [pg. 26-27]

In the favorable biography, the Washington surrenders the fort with "honours of war" and marches back home.

This is exciting, for it shows how two historians can look at the same incident, perhaps even using the same sources, perhaps not, and treat it differently. Did the victors write the history? The French source footnoted by Rosselli stops just after Jumonville is ordered on his mission, but according to a follow-up e-mail I sent to Rosselli, he notes that the source continues on with the incident as relayed. He also notes that "English reporters of that time never denied this episode, giving to it more importance as the very first act of the war instead of giving details of the fact itself."

Well, there's nothing new like history. Anyway, this presages an interesting look at the rest of the war. The information conveyed and Rosselli's analysis bring the events of the war into perspective with respect to European strategies. The divisiveness between Montcalm and Vandreuil, the influence of British colonization, the disparity in overseas political support, various ground and naval operations, and the relentless influx of men and material poured into North America by the British will astound you.

The Siege of Quebec and the Battle on the Plains of Abraham are brilliantly told, only to be surpassed by the chapter "The Tactical Role of the Navy in the Seven Years War." The latter title may say "tactical," but a goodly dose of strategic insight analyzes the worldwide deployments, operations, and doctrine. This marvelous chapter brings the echoes of Mahan centerstage.

Some chapters and footnotes contain detailed numerical analysis of soldiers, supplies, ships, and so on, as well as a discussion of estimates, such as Indian contingents. The following example was in a footnote on the Battle of Quebec:

The numbers of the two armies on the Plains of Abraham differ according to the English and French sources. Parkman claims that General Wolfe had 3,625 men divided thus:
519 35th Regiment
335 58th Regiment
662 78th Regiment
241 Louisburg Grenadiers
421 28th Regiment
360 47th Regiment
327 43rd Regiment
400 Light Infantry

According to Fregault, Wolfe had more than 4,500 men, and Lanctot more precisely counts 4,825. The numbers differ even more for Montcalm's army. Knox estimates 7520 French-Canadians and Indian allies, while Parkman considers this figure to be exaggerated. Fraser counts 5,000 French-Canadian troops while Brigadier General Townshend reduces Montcalm's regulars to 4,470. French historians and military experts agree though that Montcalm's army numbered no more than 3,500 soldiers, a figure reported by Bigot in his memoirs and picked up by Lanctot. [pg. 125]

A series of decent maps, albeit in Italian, pinpoint forts, cities, and Indian tribes across the colonies. No photos or paintings are included within the book's pages.

All in all, I was quite impressed with this single volume of the Seven Years War in North America (or French and Indian War if you prefer). True grognards of the subject probably know much of the information, but for those who wish to read a concise study of the war, The Anglo-French Conflict in North America 1756-1763 is an excellent place to start.

More Info:
First, visit the web site: www.erga.it

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