Battle of Rolica
17 August 1808
by Richard Rutherford-Moore
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The occupation by Napoleon Bonaparte of Spain and Portugal by French troops had backfired; the civilian population had recognised it as such, rather than as a 'Liberation' and subsequently revolted. This was the opportunity the British Government had been hoping for; to be able to get to grips with the French on land and give the British Army - the opportunity to be as successful there as the Royal Navy had been at sea. After negotiations with the Supreme Junta - the new provisional and provincial government - and action in the Iberian Peninsula being decided upon. the British Government sent Sir Arthur Wellesley with a force of around 10,000 soldiers to land in Portugal and take any advantage that presented itself to further discommode the French. He would be followed by 16,000 more with three senior commanders.
The British Army was neither 'wanted nor welcome' in Spain, and was told so whilst still offshore by the Spanish authorities at La Coruña, although they welcomed supplies of guns, ammunition and money. Meanwhile, the students of Coimbra University in Portugal had under their own initiative with improvised weapons seized a small fort at the head of the Mondego River, and had since been reinforced there by a detachment of Royal Marines from Admiral Sir Charles Cotton's patrolling warships.
Wellesley's force then landed in Portugal at Figueira de Foz where the River Mondego flows into the Atlantic to be met with more news both 'good' and 'bad'; the French were at that point marching troops all over the centre of Portugal crushing any resistance, and a large Spanish army had also been smashed by French troops at Medina de Rio Seco. However, the Portuguese were confidant and were sending men under Bernardim Friere to assist the British.
Meanwhile, the students of Coimbra University in Portugal had under their own initiative with improvised weapons seized a small fort at the head of the Mondego River, and had since been reinforced there by a detachment of Royal Marines from Admiral Sir Charles Cotton's patrolling warships.
Wellesley inspected the Portuguese and found them embarrassed, ill-equipped and under-fed; he had issued them 5000 muskets and sets of infantry equipment from the transports but took only 1600 'light infantry' under Colonel Nicholas Trant, a British officer in the Portuguese Army [1], and sent the rest of Friere's men back to Leiria to avoid having to continue feeding them.
Somewhere in the vicinity before them - as reported by the Portuguese - was a force of around 5000 French soldiers under General Delaborde. Another French force of 5000 men commanded by Loison was further off to the east. Their overall commander, Marshal Junot (nicknamed 'The Hurricane' after despatching a series of opponents at some speed) commanded 30,000 French troops in total in Portugal altogether but was still enjoying the delights of Lisbon unaware of Wellesley's landings, and his troops were still dispersed throughout Portugal. If Delaborde was still isolated and could be caught before linking up with Loison, there was an opportunity to destroy him. Wellesley marched along the coast. now commanding about 14,000 men with additional troops from Gibraltar, feeding his soldiers from the stores of the offshore transports.
The men of the 29th Foot had landed on 7th August and were observed on this march by one of their officers. Lt. Charles Leslie; 'Some of the men sitting on their knapsacks, others stretched out on the grass. many with a morsel of cold meat on a ration biscuit for a plate in one hand, with a clasp-knife in the other, all doing justice to the contents of their haversacks; and not a few with their heads thrown back and canteens at their mouths, eagerly gulping down His Majesty's grog or the wine of the country.' [2]
There were few horses left after the passage of the French to mount Wellesley's cavalry troopers, and without patrols reliable information about enemy movements was still hard to find. Delaborde had heard of the landings through his patrols, and sent a message back to Junot; he wasn't sure if he was strong enough alone to fight Wellesley, but if an opportunity presented itself he would undoubtedly take it. He fell back, momentarily looking at a possible defensive position south of Batalha where in AD1385 the Portuguese - with the help of English archers - had defeated Spanish invaders; he found it unsuitable being very wooded and overgrown.
[3]
Loison 'resting' at Abrantes about fifty miles away received an urgent message from Junot which told of the British landings, to leave a garrison and immediately set off west to join Delaborde. As the French rearguard left the famous monastery and climbed up out of Alcobaca on August 10th, Wellesley's men moved in.
The French had left in a hurry; the Portuguese now re-appeared from their hiding places and welcomed the British soldiers, offering local fruit, vegetables and even livestock. Five days later on August 15th the French rearguard clashed with the vanguard of the British near the windmill at Brilos. The forward troops were four companies of the Second Battalion 95th Rifles, confident and looking forward to meeting the enemy; three companies discovered and put to flight a French outpost but unfortunately over-confidence got the better of them during the subsequent pursuit and a number of casualties were inflicted on them by the more skilful veteran French voltigeurs who stood them off then withdrew in good order before them towards Obidos. Lieutenant Bunbury of the Rifles was shot through the head and killed instantly and twenty-six Riflemen killed or wounded, now having the dubious distinction of becoming the first British casualties of the war. [4]
August 16th saw the arrival of the British army at Obidos. The French were to the south-west on a low hill between the town and a long, steep rocky outcrop above the village of Columbiera. Wellesley at dawn next day left most of his army still asleep in and around Obidos, and rode forward to take a closer look at the French from a rocky outcrop a mile away. The French were still there, the infantry drawn up with their artillery and cavalry. apparently offering battle. Deducing that Loison was still not present, he decided to accept the offer from Delaborde's isolated force. The British Army marched out of Obidos in a great show - the redcoats that Delaborde could see in front of him through his telescope were good troops, matching his own force in numbers, marching steadily. colours flying. drums beating, manoeuvring and forming ranks for the attack with a good deal of skill.
The British artillery then opened fire at long range, sending a cloud of smoke billowing across the plain. Delaborde was a veteran commander and was not taken in with the hypnotic waving of this 'matador's cape' in front of him. He detected Wellesley's real battle plan, spotting two half-hidden flanking movements by Wellesley on both his right and left. He skilfully withdrew his infantry behind his own artillery fire, a screen of skirmishers and light cavalry on his flanks and sent them up onto the lofty heights to the rear where he waited with them in a strong position to await further developments or the arrival of Loison.
The jaws of Wellesley's trap closed - the green-jacketed 5/60th Rifles and 95th Rifles of Fane supported by the redcoats of the 6th, 32nd, 36th, 40th and 71st, six guns and 'the cavalry' numbering about forty troopers under Ferguson and Bowes on the British left, and the Portuguese troops on their right under Trant - but Delaborde had gone. Wellesley could see the French taking advantage of a natural breastwork of stone [5] running along the top of the ridge; but he still had the advantage of greater numbers. He ordered both Fane and Trant to simply throw out their troops again in a second flanking movement. Ferguson was warned not to go too far ahead and to also watch out for any of Loison's troops approaching.
The main body of Hill's. Nightingall`s and Craufurd's soldiers would advance again towards the French. If Wellesley could bring enough pressure to bear somewhere, Delaborde might crack under it and give them the opportunity to cut part or all the French force up during any precipitate retreat.
British Regiments
Facing the French ridge rising up over a hundred feet in front of them were eight British regiments of infantry in two lines; 50th. 38th. 91st, 9th (second line): 45th, 82nd, 5th and 29th Foot (front line). The French General Foy later wrote that the manner and conduct of the British infantry had a profound effect on the waiting French soldiers on the ridge, many of them new recruits who had engaged only Portuguese irregulars up to that point. The redcoats kept their dressing even over rough ground, and the slow silent approach of this shape-shifting, thin red wall towards the French was unnerving. The ridge the French possessed was very steep, traversed only by goat tracks and cut by five narrow ravines all entangled with thorn bush and rocks and protected on both flanks by a deep, wide valley and a gorge. Delaborde had placed the 1900 soldiers of the two battalions of the 70eme Infanterie de Ligne on the ridge with the two battalions of 2eme Infanterie Legere and the 4eme Infanterie Legere, around 950 men in each one. Two companies of the 4eme Regiment Suisse were also present. The 250 troopers of the 26eme Chasseurs a Cheval were drawn up in squadrons behind each flank. Two of Delaborde's five guns faced Fane's flank march; the other three were up on the ridge, and opened fire on British troops coming into range.
Trant's men were having difficulty getting over broken ground up to and over the ridge on his right, but Ferguson's force was in position and Fane's riflemen continued their advance against voltigeurs from both Legere battalions; the French were still holding their main position on the ridge, firing roundshot from the guns and deploying skirmishers against the main body of the British on the Columbiera plain.
It was at that point that Lake of the 29th Foot ordered out four companies from the right wing of his battalion and led them personally forward towards one of the ravines the French infantry had a short time before used to ascend the ridge, seemingly lower and more accessible than the other gullies. His men swarmed up and into it, passing right through the French lines. Such a bold move was not totally unexpected by the French; as the winding column of Lake's men struggled uphill through the bushes in the gully pushing back French skirmishers firing at close range into them they reached a more open spot about two hundred yards behind the crest of the ridge. The leading files halted to drop their knapsacks and form in line ready for a bayonet charge. Lake's detached companies stood the French skirmishers crossfire as best they could, although men were falling in numbers.
French troops brought from their left and now lining walls and fences suddenly rose up and opened fire on them from higher positions in front of them - firing was already incoming from both flanks. Lake had lost his horse killed by the fire of the French skirmishers coming up the ravine, and mounted his second horse Black Jack then being ridden by Major Gregory Way, as a prelude to ordering the bayonet charge. Lake rode out in front of his men. urging them to hurry in forming their line; he was wounded by a ball which grazed his neck, but was then marked down by a skirmisher and a second bullet passed through his body and he fell. Black Jack galloped off into the French lines and was later seen being ridden by General Delaborde himself.
Lake died shortly afterwards, his body covered with the cloak of Major Campbell, Wellesley's ADC, who had just arrived to see what was going on. Sergeant-Major Richards stood protectively over Lake's body during the rest of the fight until he too fell, found later by the surgeon of the 29th with thirteen wounds from bullet and bayonet.
The French showed no inclination to charge with the bayonet into the harassed 29th and most French soldiers continued to reload and fire as fast as they could into the now trapped, struggling and dazed redcoats still trying to form up in the narrow gully. The tremendous noise of gunfire and the billowing cloud of grey smoke from the gully showed what was happening to observers below; General Rowland Hill on the plain ordered the left wing of the 29th and the 9th Foot to support the detached companies in the ravine and they advanced together to try to reach them.
Before they could do so, the gunfire died off and the smoke blew away; a few lucky survivors under Major Thomas Egerton were able to descend back out of the gully pursued by cheering Frenchmen and reach the relative safety of the British lines. Only four officers and thirty unwounded men were taken prisoner by the French in the fighting at the top of the ravine; many soldiers of the 29th in the fire-fight had refused to surrender and the French later remarked the men had 'fought like tigers' with their Grenadier Company being practically annihilated.the ravine; many soldiers of the 29th in the fire-fight had refused to surrender and the French later remarked the men had 'fought like tigers' with their Grenadier Company being practically annihilated.
Wellesley decided to take what advantage he could from the early attack by the 29th by ordering a general advance by the rest of the main body of the army. The entire Line moved forward from the Columbiera plain and began to ascend the ridge. The riflemen on Delaborde's right flank had pushed the French skirmishers back in a running fight along a track (probably used by the French artillery during their withdrawal from the First Position) and encountered a stiff French defence utilising a low hill and two houses, with artillery support on another nearby hill; the cannon-fire and musketry was pinning the green-jackets down behind a bank until a single exasperated rifleman stood up and shouted 'Over, boys! Over!'; at that they fixed swords, charged forward and took the houses from the French at the point of the sword-bayonet.
[6]
Trant`s breathless men were now up on the hilltops, followed by stragglers and now faced with a deep chasm on their left but still moving and trying to find Delaborde's left flank; the French on the ridge were in some danger. Although the natural rock formation gave them some protection. they could both see and hear large numbers of cursing, sweating crowds of redcoats scrambling up the steep slopes to their front following the fitter and more nimbler 'rankers' before them. As the first British soldiers reached the top the French opened fire, and the first redcoats were thrown back down the slopes to be replaced almost at once by the crowds of men behind them. Brave men leapt for the top under cover of the gun-smoke and returned the French fire at point blank range, covering many more who scrambled up behind them in ever increasing numbers. With both his flanks now in danger and the weight of numbers beginning to tell, Delaborde ordered a retreat before it was too late.
Two of his battalions retreated, covered by the other two; all covered by the French cavalry. As the British troops reformed. Delaborde rallied his troops on a small hill near the little village of Zambugeira [7] just over a quarter of a mile away. Delaborde retreated in good order but upon descending from the hill southwards into rough country his infantry and gunners got stuck in a traffic-jam; sensing the imminent flank attacks coming in and seeing the redcoats coming forward behind them despite the efforts of the French cavalry making short controlled advances over the more open country, the French infantry decided to run for it and abandoned three of their guns. A detached French company that Delaborde had placed to wait and link up with Loison's advanced guard at the tiny village of Bombarral about half a mile away also made off before being cut off.
Wellesley called off any further pursuit; his infantrymen were exhausted by their efforts, he had little or no cavalry to oppose the French troopers still covering Delaborde's 'withdrawal', and news had just been received from Wellesley's forty cavalry troopers out on patrol that Loison's troops were approaching, then only five miles away 'as the crow flies'. Delaborde's soldiers had escaped. The first 'British' battle of the war was over. When Loison got news of the battle [8] he too retired south towards Junot's main body, marching up from Lisbon. Although disordered by the retreat after Zambugiera, Delaborde's infantry quickly reformed.
British losses were 480 killed. wounded or 'missing' (190 of them from the 29th Foot) and the French lost around 600 men as casualties with about 100 men made prisoner. The French Line had fought well against odds of three to one, their skirmishers and light troops fought skilfully and stubbornly on the flanks even though equally outnumbered and opposed to British rifle-armed 'light bobs'. Reports from French officers of the battle at Roliça probably influenced Junot's tactics at Vimiero. [9]
Roused
Before dawn on August 18th the British army were roused from bivouac still in battle formations in case Delaborde and Loison were returning for a re-match. But there was no sign of the French they had joined forces but gone far to the south. Marshal Junot was preparing to close in on Wellesley; a large portion of his army were in garrison, such as in the faraway frontier fortresses of Almeida and Elvas (about 2,000 men in and around each) and despite having to leave about 10,000 men of his available force in and around Lisbon because French spies and collaborators reported a planned major revolt there by the jubilant civilians after news spread in the city of the British landings in the north. Wellesley was as yet unaware of this important development, and he estimated the French (in the unlikely event of them concentrating) to have a maximum available of 25,000 infantry, 2,000 cavalry and 24 guns ; to oppose them Wellesley had 14,000 infantry, 18 guns and only 240 cavalry.
Junot actually had with him just over 13,000 infantry and cavalry with 24 guns. As both commanders sat down to their respective lunches at midday on August 19th neither were aware of another important fact; 4000 more British infantry had just arrived offshore, courtesy of the Royal Navy transports. French spies and collaborators reported a planned major revolt there by the jubilant civilians after news spread in the city of the British landings in the north. Wellesley was as yet unaware of this important development, and he estimated the French (in the unlikely event of them concentrating) to have a maximum available of 25,000 infantry, 2,000 cavalry and 24 guns ; to oppose them Wellesley had 14,000 infantry, 18 guns and only 240 cavalry.
As the survivors of the 29th Foot sat down to their lunch and no doubt once again gratefully consumed their rations of salt pork and hardtack washed down with rum and wine, they would find out only three days later if it was also equally true what the Spanish proverb said when they fought the French again at Vimiero; that "Revenge Is A Dish Best Eaten Cold."
But that is another story) . . .
Rolica today is an excellent battlefoeld for exploring as everything of importance is within easy walking distance of good accomodations. Obidos, once a seaport before its lagoon silted up, is spectcular with its Moorish walls and Roman aquaduct. From the top of the Citadel, the French second position is easily seen.
Wellesley's rocky outcrop where he viewed the French early in the day in close-up can easily be reached and climbed; a goat-track takes you right through to Delaborde's First Position. Columbiera is a pleasant little village, and worth a few minutes to discover it's secret places The French Second Position offers spectacular views, but the slopes are very steep in many places and should be both ascended and descended with care. The monument to the 29th Foot is not the one that visitors generally photograph, being hidden from view. The ravine that Lake and the 29th climbed still exists, largely unchanged; the area of the fighting at the top is rarely visited and can be outlined to within a couple of yards.
The 45th Foot (Nottinghamshire) would have had a front seat watching and then supporting the attack by the 29th Foot (Worcestershire); both are comrades-in-arms again today forming the Worcester and Sherwood Foresters Regiment.
[1] A colourful but elusive figure, Nicholas Trant excelled himself here and when commanding both Portuguese regulars and Ordenanza behind French lines during the Third French Invasion of Portugal and at Coimbra during Massena's subsequent retreat from the Lines of Torres Vedras in 1811. He reached the rank of Brigadier-General in the Portuguese Army (despite Marshal Beresford's opinion of him) before being seriously wounded in 1812. Born in Ireland in the same year as Wellesley, Trant entered the army in 1794 and was sent out to Portugal as a 'military agent' in 1808. Trant's exertions on the battlefield of Roliça are recalled by a street name and a plaque in the village of Columbiera. He died in obscurity in 1839; an officer of whom Wellington privately said later "Nicholas Trant; a good soldier but as drunk a dog as ever lived!" Praise indeed, coming from Wellington; if Trant ever heard this remark he would have probably drained a glass to his health.
The Recollections of Rifleman Harris'
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If I am to be killed today, I mean to die like a gentleman..."
At right, Moore in 1992 at the windmills of Obidos, having made his way there along the route of the 2/95th. He found reports of bullet holes in the windmill to be false.
A senior British officer noticed the 29th Foot during the march towards Columbiera. They were led by Lt. Col. George Augustus Frederick Lake (his memorial at right) dressed in a smart new uniform, with the regimental band playing a country air. "I was so struck with the marked distinction of the 29th Regiment with all others then with the army, that I could not refrain from observing to Lake . . . 'Well, Colonel you are dressed as if you were going to he received by the King!'. . . Lake smiled and replied with a dignified air . . . 'Egad, Sir; if I am to be killed today I mean to die like a gentleman !'