by David Commerford, UK
It's a well known phenomenon that things often come along in threes. The threesome in this instance being my successive purchasing of Nosworthy's Battle Tactics of Napoleon and His Enemies, Nafziger's Imperial Bayonets and Chandler's On the Napoleonic Wars (Collected Essays). All of which, incidentally, I would heartily recommend in spite of what you might read further on.
Interestingly enough it was the last of these which, although the oldest in publication terms, turned up the biggest surprise and provided the spur for this article, although as will be revealed the others had their part to play as well. Reading the section in Chandler's book on his paper presented to the International Military History Conference on the Peninsular War in 1989, contained within the book as "Column versus Line - The case of Maida 1806", was something of a shock for me. Revealing as it does that the Battle of Maida, held as the purest example of British line beating French column in more books than I care to remember reading; was actually an example of Brits beating columns that had just deployed into line, or even worse units that attacked in lines from the outset !
Chandler then shows how the true events are documented in eye witness accounts and that it was the celebrated Sir Charles Oman, author of the famous seven volume, A History of the Peninsula War, who laid the foundation for this misconception in his An Historical Sketch of the Battle of Maida published in 1908. He then corrected this view in Wellington's Army in 1912 only to repeat again in his Studies in the Napoleonic Wars in 1929.
Earlier Truths?
It is worth noting how one authoritative statement can be taken for granted for so long by so many people, including, by his own admission, Chandler himself, in one of his earlier works. As you can see it came as revelation to me, although any of you that have read Chandler's Essays, since their publication as one volume in 1994, will have known this already. What it also did for me was to make me look again at the two tactical examinations written by Nosworthy and Nafziger to see what they had to say on the Anglo-French issue and how in turn this has been handled in popular wargames rules.
Incidentally, Nosworthy with the benefit of either later, or better, research gets the facts on Madia right first time. His book, being much the larger of the two volumes, devotes a whole chapter to British tactics. While Nafziger, with the exception of six or so pages devoted to drill systems, in the part of his book concerning Manoeuvring the Battalion, spreads his conclusions on the matter around more.
One of Nafziger's proposition's is that the two rank line owed it's predominance in British Peninsular tactics more to the need to cover the required regulation frontage, with the notoriously under strength battalions available, than a desire to blast the French more effectively. In fact as he points out the relative frontage of a French three rank battalion, deployed in line, was little different from a depleted British battalion in two ranks.
However, it was not this particular observation that interested me most, though I find it entirely plausible, the British army having a tradition of making a virtue out of necessity throughout it's history. What did strike me was the sharp difference between the more common (in my experience) position put forward by Nafziger, that the British owed their tactical superiority purely to their ability to put large amounts of "Old English Service" into the opposition formations, where Nosworthy takes a counter view.
The Canadian arm of this Trans Atlantic duo, confirms the ballistic possibilities of the two rank line and the level of control that allowed the British, both in defence and attack, to habitually fire within the envelope of as near maximum efficiency as the weapon system would allow. Indeed, it is his view that the "whites of their eyes" volley was so physiologically and physically damaging to the recipient because it was delivered at a range that minimised the effect of deviations caused by the flight of the ball and the ground levels both parties were standing on.
Bayonet Charge
He then goes on to add an additional dimension, the Bayonet Charge.
Here I quote. "We encounter over and over again first hand accounts describing how the British infantry, whether attacking or awaiting the enemy, charged in with lowered bayonets, immediately after a volley before the enemy was given time to regain its balance." This then, Nosworthy believes, was the British way. A volley, perhaps two at the most, delivered at a range where the enemy knew fully what was coming and what the effect would be, followed by a loud cheer(s) and the headlong threat of cold steel which few cared to face.
Nafziger on the other hand does not to follow this line. For him the British and the bayonet appear strangers. To the point where when discussing the lack of success of French tactics in Spain, he turns to Albuera to emphasise superior musketry. Giving the reason for Soult being pushed from his dominant position (which I assume to be The Ridge) in the following terms. "This was done, not with bayonets or élan, but with the sheer force and accuracy of their musketry."
While I would not assume for a moment to suggest that the battle was won with a bayonet charge, I do then have a bit of a problem with George then listing Maj. - Gen. Hughes' Firepower in his Bibliography, containing as it does a chapter on Albuera. In which, while giving due credit to the infantry; Hughes goes into great detail in regard to the part played in both the action on The Ridge and the fight between the Fusiliers and Werle's Brigade, by the K.G.L. artillery of Sympher and Cleeve along with Hawker's 9 pounder's !
A little bit of outside assistance here George, don't you think ?
However, enough of the history, what about the real world of wargaming ! Well for my highly unscientific sample I have called on the five sets at my disposal. Just to see what sort of advantage they give to the British in terms of their ability to shoot straight and how this compares with Hughes, when he writes, that while there is some evidence for a higher standard of trained British musketry over French conscripts at actions like Albuera "the overall evidence put forward here is not strong enough to support a claim for universal superiority".
A tricky one to start with. Mr. Quarrie having complicated the fire mechanics of his rules by inclusion of some overly detailed reductions in the volume of fire in relation to movement and timescale. However, if we take as the base line of capability the fire factors from the now famous National Characteristics (Bruce was the first one to use the concept) we find some interesting data. Firstly on a basic level British centre companies enjoy a simple 2:1 advantage over French fusiliers. Grenadiers stretch this to 3:1 and Guards 4:1. Now that's what I call a "universal superiority". While the text says the factor reflects accuracy, steadiness and rate of fire when it comes to rule writers rationalisations I am afraid I don't care what the reason is it's the result that counts. In this case I don't accept that Guards units in the British army were twice as good as their Line counter parts yet alone four times more likely to hit something as the average Frenchman !
There are also the traditional plus and minus factors for shooting at columns, first fire etc but these are only minor alterations to the original factors. Hand to hand combat highlights more national stereotypes, the French showing more élan, the British more staying power.
WRG take a different approach other than outright fire power. In these rules there are no national differences to performance but the difference between British and French is handled in a more subtle manner. English/Scots and those under the control of a British general are not classed as "shaken" by the close approach of French columns. This means not only are they more likely to stand in the face of a charge and to charge home in turn but also they then count as a "steady" unit for fire. This gives each element within a unit a 5:1 chance of a hit as opposed to just even money for lesser mortals in continental armies. However if the French were to approach in line both sides would count equal.
Stepping up a level in command and control terms we come to the first of our American cousins. Here we have the unique adversarial dice throwing system to contend with. Line and Column have no bearing in these brigade level rules for Fire purposes so all we have to go on is the plus one on the dice throw for the British line over their counterparts. Craig and Robert take a more balanced view of Guards performance giving them no more advantage than the line.
As the game system requires one side to throw in direct competition to the other it is obviously a permanent advantage to have an addition to the dice throw for one side. In Hughes's terms I would place this as the edge of better training for the British. Of course it is very easy to score 6 (5+1), for example, only to have the opposition throw a straight 7 but it does give a certain edge to the British player.
In the rules Fire is deemed to be long range volleys. For Combat, close range volleys and hand to hand, different factors are used. Here we again have an advantage of one on the modifiers although because they are deemed to take melee into account there are this time differences for column and line. The one higher being granted to the British in line verses line. There is a plus three to minus one advantage over French columns but as the British also have a minus one when in column this I assume to be more to do with the formations than anything else. One interesting point in these rules is while they share the disadvantage in Fire the Old Guard are rated above the British Guards in Combat. Which given the amount of active service you had to of seen to get in the OG seems fair to me. A fact often over looked by rule writers and players a like.
This being the current version to all those unbelievers out there (the Roman numeral is entirely unofficial). As you might expect from the most complicated Napoleonic rules this side of Alpha Centuri this one's going to take some explaining. Now, to start with, the Empire small arms fire revolves around ten fire classes running from Untrained Militia up to Old Guard. Each of these has one set of percentages for three rank formations and one for two rank (except Old Guard naturally). Here you will find that both nations Guards are equal although not included in the same class. As in all things Empire only the Old Guard has Old Guard rating no matter what you are comparing (quite right too, in my completely biased opinion). Sad to say from here on, it goes some what down hill.
The problem is not that the inherent mechanics are at fault but rather that the Bowden & Getz axis seem to think that on the basis of winning the Peninsular War several games to nil (apologies to all Portuguese and Spanish readers) the average British infantryman and his KGL mates were a combination of Davy Crockett, Annie Oakley and a Cyberdine Systems T1000.
In consequence they over rate the British Fire Class by several hectares thereby jacking up the damage they can inflict in a big way. For not only do they get the appropriate additional percentage for the two rank formation but their quality is way above the French. Even at the low point were they are classed as Veterans the two rank classification gives parity with the top 10% of French line and a 2:1 superiority over the bottom 10%. Where French conscripts in line meet the British, at close range they have a 6% per figure chance of a kill. The British have 12% in reply. If our unfortunate Fantasins run into anyone in the Light Division the damage shoots up to 23% chance per figure or a tad under 4:1. Once again a "universal superiority".
Nine years ago George Nafziger wrote a series of articles published in the journal of the, now sadly defunct, British Association of Empire Players. In these he drew up a table of alternative lower ratings for the British based on his usual level of statistical analysis of historical data. If this is applied it brings down the overall ratios to a more Hughes like structure.
These ratings are very important to Empire as like Napoleons Battles there are two types of fire activity.
Ordinary fire and 'Firefight' the latter being the toe to toe exchange of volleys by formed bodies at eighty yards. The importance of this is that in Firefight the higher your moral/fire class the higher you start up the table that expresses your percentage chance of wining. The British therefore start with an advantage. This is further increased by the fact that each figure casualty you inflict on your opponent pushes them two steps down the chart. So no prizes for guessing what happens to the French after the British fire at them. Yes, you got it, the chance to win the Firefight gets even bigger ! Standing to trade shots with a British line is suicide.
Finally, one more historical advantage ( this time, a la Nosworthy) exists. The classification of certain infantry as 'shock' infantry. As all but British 2nd Battalions are classed as such and only members of the Guard (in the broadest sense) are for the French, you can soon see where this one's going. However, as this status gives advantages in pressing home a charge and additional ability in countercharging an opponent stalled by shooting, at least it gives some recognition to the bayonet theory.
Finally, we come to the most recent of my sample. Shako, like the WRG set does not include any national modifiers for fire. In fact it does not have any for melee either, come to that. Instead confines itself to advantages in manoeuvre and restrictions as to formation use and formation changes. In this area the French have the advantage which is probably correct. So it would seem, if you follow Hughes, is the absence of advantage in fire terms. However, this non advantage is, as it is in WRG, universal and therefore in my view poorer for it. Not only do the British not outshoot the French they would not outshoot the Russians or the Neapolitans either. Who knows this might have been be true if they had ever met as foes but I doubt it.
It is possible to "doctor" these rules in an historical manner in that the key to battlefield performance is in the moral rating. As it stands the British have an advantage in this area, if the Army Lists are followed, in that unlike the French they have no Second Rate infantry and in the Peninsula the French are not allowed Guards or Elite. The overall quality of the British can therefore be brought to bear in a way that differs from the all round superiority of Empire. While you may not be able to out shoot your French opposition you can at least take more damage and fight better in hand to hand.
Finally, there is one more trick for the British in a similar mode to Empire's "Shock" rating. All British Regulars are permitted to counter charge units they have "staggered" by volley fire. When they have been the subject of a charge and they themselves have not moved that turn.
This is only an option for Elite class infantry of other nations. Such a tactic is of course very much Nosworthy, although you will note it is not intended as an attacking manoeuvre, only a counter stroke.
So what can we draw from all this. Well for the most part the fire aspect is well covered. In some cases, to well covered. It would seem that the rule writers have followed the Nafziger line that firepower in itself was sufficient to allow the British their victories. There are attempts to take a more Nosworthy view but the ability to effectively combine the volley and charge in the attack, rather than in defence, seems limited. This generally represents itself by limiting a units ablity to fire and charge in the same turn, somehow seeing this as a distinct difference from a fire and countercharge manoeuvre. Empire probably comes closest in all round ability to emulate Nosworthy but in unmodified format is Nafziger with knobs on!
Firepower is, in general terms, over stated and the ability to assert moral ascendancy underplayed. However there also is a wide variation as to the importance, or otherwise, placed on the nationality of the unit shooting that makes comparative judgements as to relative realism very difficult.
There also seems to be an assumption that the French will always close in column. Writers gearing factors toward the interaction of line and column in a manner that would lead readers to believe that this was always employed.
Perhaps this is "where we came in" as they used to say. Should rule writers not really be encouraging people to be more flexible in their tactical assumptions of the period by employing the French in line more while being more aggressive with the British, without making them dependent on over factored firepower?
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